What are the needs and aspirations of UASC and how do age disputes impact on future aspirations.

School of Health

 

BA (Hons) Social & Community Development
2011-2015
Author Declaration
This dissertation is the independent work of the author and has not been submitted wholly or in part for any academic award or qualification other than that for which it is now been submitted.
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Table of Contents
Chapter Title Page number
Acknowledgements 4
Abstract 5
Chapter One
Research Questions 6
Key Terms 6
Setting the Scene 7
Chapter Two
Historical Context 8
Why Asylum Seeking Children Leave their Homelands 11
Age Disputes and the Detention of Children 11
Legislation and Policy 14
Chapter Three
Method 16
Results 19
Chapter Four
Discussion 31
Conclusion and Recommendations 34
References 35

Acknowledgements
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Abstract
Unaccompanied asylum seeking children are a heterogeneous group of people with diverse needs. Efforts to understand their wide ranging needs from a holistic perspective is noticeably absent from academic literature (Abunimah and Blower, 2010), in contrast social work intervention with this group has been comprehensively documented in several research studies. Asylum seekers were once welcomed and seen as brave freedom fighters fleeing brutal oppressive regimes however are now openly condemned as “bogus” and having “unfounded” stories, subsequently triggering a political and conceptual shift in the construction of their identity (Maughan, 2010). Immigration and asylum have in recent years become a subject of great contention resulting in a moral panic and populist reaction in the making of policy surrounding this issue, furthermore it has been a definitive electoral campaign strategy for the 2015 Parliamentary and General Election. The aim of this research is to build a holistic representation of the needs of unaccompanied asylum seeking children(UASC) and to review what is already known about their needs, in addition this dissertation will investigate what their hopes and dreams for the future are. Furthermore the study will examine how age disputes impact on future aspirations.
Chapter One will outline the research aims and present the research questions in addition it will give an overview of key terms relevant to this study.
Chapter Two will provide a comprehensive overview of the historical and legislative context surrounding asylum, immigration and issues relating to UASC in the UK.
Chapter three will provide the methodological standpoint and give a systematic account of how the research was undertaken for this study.
Chapter four will present the research findings and provide a discussion in relation to the dissertation question.
Chapter five will give a summary and conclude with recommendations for future research and practice.
Introduction
My interest in unaccompanied asylum seeking and refugee children is strongly connected to my researcher identity as an individual who has lived experience of being a refugee, therefore creating a pre-existing bias. The researcher is aware that this bias can have a profound impact on my emerging sense of researcher identity. I thereby take a position of conscious partiality. This dissertation builds on a growing but still limited amount of research surrounding the needs and aspirations of UASC and understanding why and how age determination and age disputes impact on UASC.This study has significant relevance to Social and Community Development as the UK has a growing population of UASC and in order to understand what their needs are, so as a practitioner one can meet their needs efficiently. Past research has indicated that these children are often living in the margins and practitioners who should be facilitating their integration into the mainstream, are unaware of the complex needs that are associated with unaccompanied children as well as the cultural context in which to meet those needs.Therefore this dissertation aims to give a voice to UASC and contribute to a more informed understanding of the hardships these children endure.
Research sub questions
1. What are the needs and aspirations of UASC?
2. Why is age disputed?
3. What are the implications of age disputes for future aspirations following an age assessment for UASC?

KEY TERMS
Asylum seeker
A person who has made an application for recognition as a refugee and is awaiting a decision on their application.
Refugee
According to the 1951 Convention Article 1 A (2) a refugee is a person who “owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religious belief, nationality, affiliation to a social group or political opinion; is outside of their country and is unable to, or owing to such fear is unwilling to avail his/herself to the protection of that country” (UNHCR, 2014).
Unaccompanied asylum seeking child
A person under the age of 18 who is separated from his/her parent or legal guardian and applying for asylum in their own right…. Separated children maybe seeking asylum due to armed conflict, human rights violations or disturbances in their country (UNHCR, 2014; UK Border Agency, 2014).
Age dispute
When an asylum applicant’s claimed age has not been accepted by the Home Office as being factual (Refugee Council, 2015).
Merton Compliance
A term used to describe an age assessment conducted in line with case law. This term and guidance came into existence as a result of R (B) vs Merton London Borough Council [2003] EWHC 1689 (Admin) which gives guidance and requirements as to the lawful manner in which to carry out an age assessment of a person claiming to be under 18 years old. This guidance is applicable across the UK not just Merton (Dorling, 2014).
SETTING THE SCENE
Parents and family are a major source of a child’s emotional, social and physical security and separation from the family unit can be detrimental as well as having grave consequences to a child’s psychological and social wellbeing. It can leave them vulnerable to abuse and exploitation and by virtue of being without parents or guardian to protect them,“Unaccompanied children displaced by war are more likely to be killed, raped, tortured or recruited as child soldiers” (Machel, 1996:17).UASC are vulnerable owing to the fact that they are not only separated from their parents but coupledwith experiences of peril along the journey to reach exile and the psychological and specific health needs stemming from traumatic pre-flight experiences. As a result they will need short and long term welfare support in the country of safety (Simmonds and Merredew, 2010).They carry with them a complex range of psychological and physical health needs (Kohli, 2007; Rutter, 2007;Wade et al., 2005) related to pre-migratory factors such as separation and loss, living in a warzone, conflict, persecution and risk during flight to safety which are specific to them as UASC (Kohli & Mather, 2003).
The needs of UASC have been characterised by difficulty and misunderstanding due to the complex array of needs. Rutter (1994) states that due to the intricacy of these needs it is not surprising that they can often be overlooked, misunderstood or even go unmet as there seems to be a tendency to prioritise gatekeeping additionally Hek et al., (2011) state that the immigration system is “ a system that is at all times in tension between ideas of control and protection”(Bhabha& Finch, 2006; Brownlees & Finch 2010;Crawley, 2010; Hek, Hughes& Ozman, 2011; Newbigging & Thomas, 2011:377) over the humanitarian response to UASC.UASC will have varying needsincluding emergingneeds that will arise after arrival in a safe country, ranging from physical health, mental health and basic needs such as food, shelter and safety. In order to satisfy those needs Maslow (1948) theorised that the most basic needs would first have to be satisfied for before other needs further up the pyramid can be met.Maslow proposed that human needs were hierarchal and that lower needs[ food, shelter, safety, belonging] take priority over needs higher up in the pyramid, therefore before higher needs [that of self- actualization i.e. being the best one can be] can be met; lower needs must first be fulfilled (Maslow, 1948).

Historical context
The phenomenon of children arriving to seek asylum alone is not new (Bhabha, 2004; Hayes, 2009; Brownlees and Finch, 2010) and international law and guidance is very clear about children being able to claim asylum in their own right and being afforded the necessary special protection in the process of claiming asylum. Over the last decade conflict, human rights abuses, political and civil unrest (Gibney, 2004) in countries such as Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, Eritrea and most recently Syria; has resulted in the increase of UASC’s movements to seek safety. For UASC a greater number of push factors rather than pull factors will have influenced their decisions to migrate [forced] (Hewitt, 2005; Crawley, 2010). Britain has a long history in providing refuge for those fleeing persecution (Packer, 2013), however anti-asylum rhetoric and media misrepresentations of asylum seekers has generated an image of deviance and asylum seekers are associated with negative labels of being “benefit scroungers” and “bogus refugees”. Increased migration and movement of people across the European Union (EU) has influenced the politicisation of migration in the United Kingdom (UK) and a moral panic has arisen, it has become a major conflict-ridden issue in the UK (MacDonald, 200:49).
Asylum seekers from the former Yugoslavia in the 90’s became a concern for the Conservative Government the shift in policy began to be targeted towards limiting and restricting as policymakers were unaccustomed to great numbers of asylum seekers (Somerville et al., 2009). Policy began to emerge in a bid to kerb this inflow.The Immigration Act (1971) is the foundation of contemporary immigration legislation framework. Two major acts encapsulated the changes in policy, the Asylum and Immigration Appeals Act (1993) which restricted the rights to appeal, reduced entitlements[benefits] and created a new “fast –track” procedure for asylum applications, it also made it possible for asylum seekers to be detained whilst their claim was ongoing, followed by the 1996 Asylum and Immigration Act. This act removed access to council housing for asylum seekers, it also made it a criminal offence to employ persons without permission to work and live in the UK.
Migration continued to be a consistent feature of the policy and political scene and as Labour came into office this approach persisted. In 1998 a green paper “Firmer, Fairer, Faster was published and the measures it proposed were implemented immediately (Gov.UK, 2014), which included policies such as detention, a clear violation and mockery of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989) (Bercow et al., 2006). Furthermore the Immigration and Asylum Act (1999) removed mainstream benefits for asylum seekers (Billings, 2006) and created the National Asylum Support Service (NASS) to provide housing and subsistence, which is at a fraction of what British nationalsreceive from mainstream social security benefits. This ushered in the voucher “cashless” support system which meant asylum seekers were issued with vouchers instead of cash (Fell and Hayes, 2007) which clearly excluded them as “other” and only certain shops accepted them, asylum seekers were often faced hostility and were humiliated when using them (Oxfam and Refugee Council, 2002).
The most notable period at which controversial policy was implemented and a plethora of legislation enacted was during the premiership of Tony Blair and New Labour. Due to the unprecedented rise in migration asylum and immigration policy has becoming increasingly restrictive, with the rights and entitlements of refugees being reduced (Griffiths et al. 2005; Cemlyn and Briskman, 2003; Fletcher, 2008). Crawley (1993) and Hargrave (2014) maintain that the notion that asylum seekers are in fact economic migrants in disguise, is greatly exaggerated. The distinction between economic migration and that of refugee and asylum migration would influence more positive attitudes towards asylum seekers if the context of the refugee crisis was clearly defined (Crawley, 1993: 11). The response to this “culture of disbelief” and in a bid to appease the media and public’s “noisy panic” the Labour government introduced further punitive policy measures which included financial penalties for air carriers and truck carriers, juxtaposed controls , tougher visa controls and the introduction of proceduresthat criminalised asylum seekers such as signing in at police station on a weekly basis, the monitoring and indefinite detention of asylum seekers.
The subsequent Nationality Immigration and Asylum Act (2002) was intended to demonstrate that Britain was not a “soft touch” for immigration and was intended on making the system “less attractive” for asylum seekers.In the UK legislation regarding immigration and asylum has been the constantly changing with further legislation ensuing including The Immigration, Asylum and Nationality Act 2006 (which was fully implemented in 2008) included the abolition of ILR after a positive asylum decision[up until 2005 those granted asylum were given Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR)] this meant that those granted asylum after this date would now be given an initial 5 year limited leave grant rather than ILR (Home Office, 2014). Immigration legislation still continues to be the fastest legislating area in the UK.|
Rutter (2006) affirms that asylum policy since the 1980’s has largely been driven by media discourses and moral panic, furthermore public denigration and construction of a noisy panic concerning asylum seekers and refugees by the British media has been well documented by academic researchers (Mollard, 2001; Barclay et al., 2002; Buchanan et al., 2003) In addition to these measures the most detrimental policy was the removal of benefitsand the introduction of the “no choice” dispersal policy.Buchanan et al, (2003) state that “asylum seekers are routinely demonised by the mass media” and identified the use of terms such as “bogus refugees”, “illegals” in their broadcasting.

Why asylum seeking children leave their homelands
It is often assumed that UASC are “pulled” to the UK for “benefits” and that they come from impoverished backgrounds hence the motivation to leave, Kohli and Mitchell (2007) suggest that whilst circumstances in their homelands are extremely dangerous it is the family’s material resources that give the child the opportunity to flee. This idea is a contradiction of the wide held belief that UASC come to abuse the welfare system.It is vital that the term “asylum seeker” is clearly distinguished from “economic” migrant as the former is associated with protection issues and the latter is concerned with moving in search of work for economic prospects (Hopkins and Hill, 2010). In a study by Thomaset al., (2004) on the pre-flight experiences of UASC the researcher found the main reasons children flee their homelands is because of some form of violence, which was either perpetrated on themselves or their family. Additionally, the study revealedthat rape was a predominate feature of violence they suffered. Despite evidence to support the theory that asylum seeking is driven primarily by repressive governments, political turmoil, outbreak of war and persecution and acts of violence (Flynn, 2002), successive UK governments have designed policy to reduce “pull” factors aimed at discouraging those driven by economic considerations. With this in mind the bare minimum welfare benefits and accommodation are available to refugees upon arrival in Britain (Flynn, 2002; Somerville at al., 2009).
Age disputes and detention of children
Because UASC are often forced to use clandestine entry methods into the UK (Morrison and Crosland, 2001), they are criminalised (Fekete, 2007) by immigration officials who treat them with a degree of cynicism about their age which can often lead to them being detained as adults (Dennis, 2012; Crawley, 2007) pending age determination.UASC will usually present themselves to officials without the required documentation due to the fact that their flight to safety would normal be hurriedly facilitated and in most cases agents provide fraudulent passports for them to travel on. In other cases UASC have been advised to destroy their passports so as not to leave a trail to their agents who would have helped them enter the UK clandestinely.Asylum seeking children in the UK are at times perceived as being adults in the guise of children, economically motivated and conjuring up “bogus stories” of fleeing for their lives (Crawley, 2009; Gower, 2011; Webster, 2000), the onus is on them to prove that they are children if they do not have the appropriate documentation. In addition, Crawley (1993) suggests that the idea of asylum seekers being economic migrants in disguise is greatly exaggerated.
The Coalition Government made a commitment in their Programme for Government when they came into office, and in May 2012 announced that they would “end the detention of children for immigration purposes”. However, Dennis (2012) maintains that the government is still holding children in detention centres because of age dispute and calling them “adults”. This has at times resulted in children wrongly assumed to be adults been detained with adults and in the process protection issues have arisen. Dennis (2012) advises that “current policy and practice is not providing adequate protection for young people in the asylum system and that children are being held in detention after wrongly being assessed as adults” (Dennis, 2012 p.11). Furthermore Crawley (2006) states that children are subjected to degrading, intrusive and oppressive age assessments when they age has been disputed.
This image of deviance has fuelled mistrust of UASC and has largely influenced a culture of disbelief with attitudes towards UASC being unsympathetic and reaching new levels of hostility (Lewis, 2005).The reality is UASC come to UK to seek asylum and are motivated by push factors, a study by Hopkins and Hill (2006) substantiated that conflict, war and unsafe conditions in their home countries forced them to leave.
The table below illustrates the experiences UASC encountered in their home countries.
Table 1 – Experiences in Home Countries

Experiences Number of UASC
Violence 86
Sexual violence (rape) 32
Physical violence 15
Witnessed violence towards family 7

Witnessed death or execution of family and public executions 16

Threatened with death 8
Experienced degrading treatment 6
Imprisoned or detained 13
Living in hiding 16
Source: Thomas et al., 2004 p.118
The chart below illustrates asylum trends since 2001.
Source: Home Office Immigration Statistics Oct to Dec 2014
The Home Office statistics indicate that 1,861 children applied for asylum as unaccompanied minors in 2014 which is a 47% increase from the year before (Refugee Council, 2015). The greater majority were male. In 2013 1,265 UASC made an application for asylum. 310 age disputes were made in 2014 out of 449 recorded as having undergone an age assessment and despite claiming to be children 54% of these were found to be above 18 years of age (Home Office, 2014). 99 children were detained in 2014 as compare to 1,119 in 2009. In 2009 the total number of children granted asylum was 285 with 1,790 granted discretionary leave , 15 granted humanitarian protection and 585 applications were refused. The table below shows that the countries UASC come from are high risk with poor records on human rights or of civil conflict.

Source: Refugee Council 2013
Legislation and policy
The right to seek protection as a refugee is enshrined in international law. Although the UK is signatory to international instruments and despite making proclamations at being a welcoming country to those in need of refuge (Flynn, 2002), domestic policy on refugees has been punctuated with restrictive measures and “undeserving” undertones. UASC encounter a range of legislative and policy measures designed to deter them from successfully applying for asylum, the most significant to this study is age disputes and the inexact science (Aynsley-Green, 2009) of age assessments. The impact of these policies has wider implications on their needs, well-being, and freedom and future aspirations.
The 1951 Convention.
UASC can apply for asylum in the UK under the United Nations 1951 Refugee Convention, of which the UK is a signatory.The international framework for asylum policy is the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol.Article 31 of the convention prohibits states from penalising a refugee for illegal entry when the purpose of entry is to claim asylum. Article 33 has the Non- refoulement clause which assures that a person cannot be forcibly returned to a territory where he/she might be at a real risk of persecution.

United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC)
The UK ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1989. Article 3 of the CRC obligates the Home Office in the discharging of its duties to ensure the best interests of the child are the primary consideration in all dealings with the child. The UK implemented this piece of international law into their domestic legislation through the Children Act (1989)
In England, UASC have the same constitutional liberties and entitlements as citizen children, in relation to access to education and support and these rights are enshrined in the Children Act (1989). However, access to care and support is often determined by a child’s immigration status (Children’s Legal Centre, 2009) this is particularly significant if a child has been age disputed. The Children Act 1989 updated 2004is the key instrument for fulfilling the United Kingdom’s responsibilities under the CRC howeverdespite their commitment to children’s well-being (Giner, 2007; 2009) and Crawley (2010) argue that the government has consistently adopted anunequal approach with regard to unaccompanied and separated minors. UASC have dual identities first as children then as migrants, this places them at the “cross- roads” of two policy fields.
Method
This chapter will discuss the research approach I have chosen for this study and the reasons to why I chose this method. When choosing which research approach to apply to the study it was important to consider the relevance of information which could be gathered through either quantitative or qualitative models, this is because qualitative methods are characterised by its aims which relate to understanding aspects of social life whereas quantitative methods aim to quantify (Bryman, 2012). This research project is concerned with the subjective experience of UASC in relation to their aspirations and needs.
The research review was divided into two parts, the first part investigates the needs of UASC and the second part looked at the implications age disputes had on UASC’s aspirations. An initial scoping search was carried out on the NELSON database the term “immigration” and “unaccompanied minors”, this search generated 108 hits. The title and abstract were briefly read to include or eliminate any articles that were irrelevant and did not concern the topic. I also did a search on google scholar to see what had been previously written about my topic by other academics and to find any relevant research papers. In the “search tab” I used the right click function and a “Boolean logic” search function appeared. Under the “find articles” tab, I selected the “with all of the words” option and I searched for “UASC”. In the “with exact phrase” option, I used the term “age disputes”, “needs and aspirations”. I then chose the “anywhere in article” option under “where my word occurs” function. This produced 117 results.In addition the internet was used and relevant websites relating to refugees and immigration were accessed. The following were searched;
? Refugee Council an organisation which works with refugees and advocates on their behalf (including the release of children who have been detained after age disputes).
? The Information Centre about Asylum and Refugees (ICAR)
? UNHCR: The UN Refugee Agency an agency which is mandated to ensure respects for the rights of people fleeing persecution. In the UK it provides guidance on refugee and asylum law to the government and other organisations who work with refugees.
? Amnesty International is a non- governmental organisation which focuses on human rights.
? The Children’s Society is a charity which supports vulnerable children in England and Wales.
? Immigration Law Practitioner’s Association was established by a group of leading immigration law practitioners whose vision was to secure a non-racist, just and equitable system of immigration nationality and asylum law practice.
In order to obtain official statistics a search was conducted on the Home Office website and the most recent statistics were used.

The approach to the methodical literature search was to generate as much information related to the topic using a systematic literature strategy, I had previously selected the inclusion and exclusion criteria that would guide my search. The table below illustrates the defining inclusion and exclusion criteria it was as follows:
INCLUSION EXCLUSION
Literature that is no older than 10 years. Literature that was older than 10 years.
Published in English. Non- English literature.
Literature relevant to the needs of UASC. Literature that was especially relevant to immigration and excluded UASC.
Literature relevant to aspirations of UASC Literature not relevant to the UK context
Literature relevant to age assessments and age disputes. Literature that was not peer reviewed.
Literature relevant to the UK (including England, Wales, Scotland and N. Ireland) Literature not available in full text.
Literature directly related to answering the research question Literature relating to other refugee populations that are not UASC, such as adult asylum seekers.

I began the search on the NELSON database [Northampton Electronic Library Search Online] using the key term “UASC”, this yielded 273 hits. I then filtered any articles published before 2005 so as to keep the data within the10 year inclusion criteria. This narrowed the results to 229. To ensure the data was not a biased sample, I carried out another search to find a broader set of articles. I entered “asylum seeker” and “children” into the NELSON database and this search returned 311 hits. I found that limiting the search to specific key terms was only returning an insufficient sample to ensure that the dissertation was not based on a relatively biased sample. I then decided to widen my search to other databases and began with the Social Care Online Database. I initially used the search terms “unaccompanied asylum seeking and refugee children” and the search returned 250 results although some of the results were repeated from previous searches on the NELSON database. I also came across an article whose title appeared to be what I was looking for , when I tried to down load it, the NELSON database did not have an electronic copy and a further search using the “find it” option still could not retrieve it. I then used the title on a google scholar search and I was able to get the full text of the research. At times the research article would not be available or I would only find a book review on the article instead of the actual research study. To overcome this problem I searched the website of the organisation which was commissioning the research or the University that was undertaking the project. This proved to be a successful endeavour as I was able to locate the full study.
To find more research articles I also used the Refugee Council website of which I had pre-existing knowledge of their interest and research with asylum seekers and refugees. On the Refugee Council website, I selected the Policy & Research tab looked in research under the list of topics, I then used the key term “UASC”. This produced no results, I then tried a different search approach. I used the search tab and used the words “research on UASC”, and found 159 articles.To narrow the results down and obtain a feasible sample size I then added “who have been age disputed” and this returned 89 results.
When I embarked on this research project I wanted to ensure that the research would make a difference and Corbin et al., (2015) states that “research can make a difference through insights and understanding” (Corbin &Strauss, 2015:4). The way in which my research question was outlined would influence the way in which methodological standpoint I would take. In order to consider the most appropriate method to answer my research question, I began by clearly outlining the research question. Only then would I know whether it would be appropriate to use quantitative, qualitative data or articles which used mixed method methodology, to answer my research question. The research question aimed to find out the experiences of UASC in relation to needs and aspirations as well as exploring the how age disputes impacted on UASC needs and hopes for their future. Therefore the research question was interested in the meanings and accounts of UASC and the phenomenon of age disputes. Qualitative data is concerned with meanings and experiences and is at odds with the rigour generated through quantitative data. It was for that reason qualitative methodology is appropriate.Generally the search approach has been effective although it took a number of different attempts to produce substantial research that I could use.

Results
This chapter will present the research articles identified to answer the research question. It will examine6 significant pieces of research that are related to UASC’s needs, aspirations and issues surrounding age disputes. Furthermore this chapter will offer a critical appraisal of the literature and give a report on its validity.
1st article
Stevenson, J. and Willott, J. (2007) The Aspiration and Access to Higher Education of Teenage Refugees in the UK. Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education, 37(5). 671-687
Researcher Identity
Dr Jacqueline Stevenson is Head of research and Professor of education research at Sheffield Hallam University and has previously managed research projects with The Refugee Council. Dr John Willott is course leader for postgraduate courses at Leeds Beckett University in Politics and Applied Global Ethics, he has research interests in marginalised groups; particularly refugees. He has previously secured funding from the EU to deliver projects on social inclusion and accessing Higher education for ethnic minority groups. At the time of the research both researchers were research fellows at Leeds Metropolitan University [now Leeds Beckett University]. A level of transparency is implied as the correspondence address and email address for Dr Stevenson is supplied, this suggests a degree of openness to public scrutiny.
The research was carried out in the northern Yorkshire and Humber region of the UK. It does not give a date as to when the research took place, although it was published online on the 29th of October 2007. The research was conducted as part of a larger project which endeavoured to identify barriers to higher education (HE) for refugees and asylum seekers (Stevenson & Willott 2007 p.685). They state that the wider research project was funded by Aim Higher and is housed within the Access Institute at Leeds Metropolitan University.
Research aims
The research question is not explicit although Stevenson & Willott (2007) state that the research aims to “establish the aspirations of refugee children and young people to Higher Education” from within a policy, social and educational perspective. Furthermore the researchers sought to discover if these aspirations were being met, as well as identifying the barriers to accessing Higher Education. The researchers were also trying to determine whether standardising refugees’ needs within those already catered for by other minority ethnic groups was an adequate means of planning the provision for refugee children.
The research design and methodology
In her biography profile Dr Stevenson states that most of the research she conducts is qualitative as she is interested in the narratives of participants. This research employed a mixed methods qualitative approach with extensive use of semi structured interviews. Stevenson & Willott (2007) maintain they used a “variety of qualitative research methods, so as to capture the range of issues relevant to aspirations and access to HE of refugee adolescents in the UK” (Stevenson & Willott 2007 p.683). Since the research is interested in finding out the aspirations of refugee children and how they were or were not accessing HE, it is inferred that the researchers adopted an interpretivist research paradigm. In the literature review Stevenson & Willott (2007) outlined that achievement rates for minority ethnic children in the UK are variable and that explanations for these achievement statistics is linked to social exclusion of ME children, furthermore that teachers have low expectations for these children. Therefore it is assumed that the children will have little or no aspiration to access higher education
Findings
The research found that standardising ME children and refugee children’s support needs was failing the refugee children as it perpetuated their continued absence from higher education as a result of not targeting funding and strategies that deal with their complex and unique needs. The themes that emerged from the research were:
• Emotional support needs
• Educational needs
• Aspirations
2nd article
Crawley, H. (2007) When is a child not a child? Asylum, Age Disputes and the Process of Age Assessment. London: ILPA
Researcher Identity
Dr Crawley is a seminal writer and expert in her field, she has previously worked as Head of asylum research at the Home office and is currently a senior lecturer at Swansea University and Director of Centre for Migration Policy Research. She has published extensively and undertaken various research projects over the past 20 years including the detention of UASC, gender issues in the asylum process, factors that influence public attitudes towards asylum seekers, access to legal representation and age disputes.
The study was conducted from January to June 2006 however the research for the report began in November 2005. The researcher does not state the specific region the research study took place nonetheless it states that the it was based in different regions around the UK and that 32 social workers were recruited from 14 local authorities and 27 separated asylum seekers also took part in the study.
Research aims
The researcher states that the research was undertaken because of growing evidence that UASC where not being given benefit of doubt about their age by the Home Office, even though the Home Office policy states that this principle should be upheld when a child’s age is in question. The aim of the research was to provide a comprehensive evidence based analysis of the policy and practice that was currently in place in a hope that their research would lead to the improvement of the process of age assessments and a reduction in age disputed cases (Crawley 2007, 6). The researcher hoped that her research would improve professional practice and lead to better outcomes for UASC.
The research questions were:
• To analyse current policy and practice regarding age assessments.
• To examine the implications of age disputes, considering the consequences of a child being treated as an adult, the vulnerability to detention and the experiences of children in detention.
• To examine the implications of age disputes in relation to provision of support including legal representation, education, housing, welfare and any inconsistencies between the different local authorities approach to the issue of age disputes and extent of provision.
• To identify any child protection issues as a result of being age disputed, being detained and /or being housed in unsuitable accommodation.
• To consider the mental health of age disputed UASC (Crawley, 2007:6)
The research design and methodology
The researcher used a “multi- methods” qualitative approach and conducted an extensive literature review of existing evidence incorporating “grey literature” [academic literature that or not formally published] and policy documents. The research instruments used were 26 in-depth interviews as well as telephone and email communication, these were conducted with policy makers and legal representatives. In addition the research used observations at the Asylum Screening Unit (ASU), which allowed the researcher to observe the procedures for referring children who had being age disputed. Another part of the research design was the case study of 27 UASC, in which data was collated using in-depth semi structured interviews and the use of in- depth discussions with 32 social workers from 14 local authorities. The researcher states that the use of 27 case studies helped to illustrate the experiences of UASC when they were age disputed.
Ethical considerations were evident in the research as Crawley (2007) states that consent was sought and the researcher was also careful to ensure maleficence did not occur when interviewing the vulnerable UASC. The children were also given as explanation as to why the research was taking place and those who were in the process of being age disputed were offered help to resolve their applications (Crawley, 2007: 8).
Findings
The study revealed that a permeating “culture of disbelief” was prevalent within the Home Office and that the benefit of the doubt principle was often not given. The research discovered an over reliance on visual appearance to assess a child’s chronological age and that the social workers were not confident in their ability and expertise with regards to age assessment process. Furthermore the research findings suggest that children are distressed and bewildered as to why they are disbelieved. Disputes over age had significant implications for children psychological well-being and further implications on their access to educational, health and welfare support.
3rd article
Hopkins, P. and Hill, M. (2006) This is a good place to live and think about the future…The needs and experiences of UASC in Scotland. Glasgow: Scottish Refugee Council
Researcher Identity
Peter Hopkins is a lecturer in Human Geography at Lancaster University and was a research fellow employed on the research project by the Glasgow Centre for the Child and Society at the University of Glasgow.
Malcolm Hill is the Director of the Glasgow Centre for the Child and Society at the University of Glasgow was responsible for the project management of the research study.
Research Aims
The research aimed to establish what experiences and needs UASC in Scotland have as well as attempting to assess how well services to UASC were responding to their needs. The research study took place in Scotland during 2005, an exact date is not supplied although the researchers mention that the research project was funded by the Scottish Refugee Council and supported by The Diana, Princess of Wales Memorial Fund. 31 UASC and 74 service providers participated in the study.
Research design and methodology
The study was an applied social research project, meaning that the purpose of the study was intended to inform future practice in the provision of services for UASC. The main aims of the study was to explore what services were available to UASC in Scotland and to ascertain good practice or gaps in provision. The study also aimed to explore UASC’S needs in relation to emotional and psychological well- being, legal needs, educational needs and experiences of the migration process.
The research used a qualitative approach and the research instruments applied was interviews with service providers and interviews with UASC. The research design was modified at an early stage to allow for UASC to provide feedback. The participants were identified by a process of snowballing where initial contacts identified potential participants and organisations to participate in the research study. Because a wide range of participants and organisations were identified by the Scottish Refugee Council and further participants were identified through snowballing the sample can be deemed as being broadly representative. The researchers state that consent was sought and confidentiality was maintained during the study, furthermore the participants were given the opportunity to decline participating in the project. For those under 16, consent was obtained from the person with legal responsibility. The researchers state that one limitation of the study is that there was a deficiency in a sample of children from Eastern Europe.
Findings
The main themes that emerged from this study were:
Theme 1- Children’s experiences
• UASC often experience traumatic events prior to arrival in Scotland and the main reasons they sought refuge in Scotland was due to persecution in their homelands.
• Most times an agent facilitated their journeys and they were not aware that Scotland was their final destination.
• The study found that the way UASC were treated largely depended on the availability of resources on reception at the time of claiming asylum.
• The stress of separation impacted on their emotional and psychological well-being.
• Even though they felt safe in Scotland they encountered racism they faced language barriers and felt isolated.
Theme 2- Children’s needs
• Wide ranging and complex needs
• Their most important need was to be recognised as children
• The provision of accommodation was unsatisfactory, and deemed “dangerous and disruptive”
• The major challenge experienced by children was stress related to pre- flight experiences.
Theme 3- Service Provision
• The research found inconsistencies in service provision (legal, education, health, social services and interpreting).
• The services available varied especially in locations out of Glasgow.
• Service providers were positive about their engagement with UASC because of the children’s resilience and determination to succeed, however the study also found racism among some staff.
• A significant gap in service provision for children who reach the age of 18.
• The research indicated the children’s positive attitude to learning and aspirations to further themselves.
4th article
Groark, C., Sclare, I. and Raval, H. (2010) Understanding the Experiences and Emotional Needs of Unaccompanied Asylum-seeking Adolescents in the UK. Clinical Child Psychology and Psychiatry. 16(3), 421-442
Researcher identity
Dr Claire Groark is a Child Clinical Psychologist and is based at the Sussex Partnership NHS Trust.
Dr Irene Sclare is a Consultant Clinical Psychologistand has extensive specialised and clinical research experience in child and adolescent psychology and mental health.
Dr Hitesh Raval is a Consultant Clinical Psychologist and holds a Professional Doctorate in Clinical Psychology from the University of Essex.
Research aims
The researchers sought to discover an in-depth understanding of what it was like to be an UASC, and gain an understanding of how pre-flight and present life experiences affected the UASC’S well-being. The research also aimed to explore the psychological coping strategies employed by UASC to try and cope with the problems they faced.
Research design and methodology
The research study employed Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA), this is a qualitative approach used to offer insights into how a particular person, in a particular context makes sense of a given phenomenon (Smith, 1996). The researchers claim that the research method aims “to capture the quality of an individual’s experience and gain some knowledge of meanings held by the participant” (Groark et al., 2010:424). The research involved an analytical process whereby the researcher deduces understanding of the internal thoughts from the participants verbal responses. The researches first undertook a literature review and the devised the semi-structured interviews after discussion with other professionals and one young asylum seeker to ensure the interviews would be contextually appropriate. The researchers made ethical considerations informed consent from participants and state that ethical approval was obtained from the local ethics committee. To triangulate data and ensure their data was validated and measured against the participants responses from the interviews they used a) The Spence’s Children’s Anxiety Scale (SCAS) b) the Child Impact of Events Scale (IES) c )the Birleson Depression Scale, which were completed by the participants.
Data was analysed using the IPA coding framework, emerging themes were identified, examined and grouped into meaningful clusters.
Findings
The research discovered 4 main themes which emerged from their interview transcripts:
Theme 1-Loss
• All participants had suffered multiple losses (both in terms of physical and emotional).
• The losses were painful, especially the loss of parents, friends and family.
• UASC felt isolated and alone and were fearful of being returned to their country of origin.
• Loss of control over their lives.
Theme 2- Transition and negotiating a new way of life
• UASC were to adjust from their old life to their new life in the UK.
• UASC had aspirations of “bettering themselves” and placed a high value on getting an education, feeling that education was “a way out”.
• They wanted to be accepted and feel “normal”, participants spoke of being singled out and asylum seeker had a negative label.
Theme 3- Experience of distress
• Difficult life experiences impacted on UASC.
• The research revealed how worries and anxiety over uncertainties they were experiencing impacted upon UASC mental well-being.
• The source of their worry and anxiety stemmed from the unstable and uncertain pre-flight experiences and current situation.
Theme 4- Process of adjustment
• The UASC all had a strong urge to regain control of their lives, and showed great determination to succeed. The researchers note that they showed great resilience and strength despite their experiences (Groark et al., 2010:430).
• The research revealed the UASC had a need to “change” their “immigration status” (in relation to being allowed to remain in the UK).
• The research found that UASC wanted their identity to be seen as positive and wanted to be respected by others.
• The study discovered that UASC avoided distressing thoughts in a bid to cope with past trauma.
• Friendships and relations were important to the UASC in managing difficulties.
• The research discovered that UASC had respect and trusted social workers and teachers who had helped them.
• The research found that UASC needed more guidance.
5th article
Bhabha, J. and Finch, N. (2006) Seeking Asylum Alone: Unaccompanied and Separated Children and Refugee Protection in the UK. Harvard University Committee on Human Rights Studies.
Researcher Identity
Jacqueline Bhabha is a highly experienced practitioner with a 20 year expertise in migration and asylum issues. She graduated from Oxford University with a first class honours and MSc then went on to qualify as a solicitor at the College of Law in London. She has published extensively on issues of asylum. She worked as a practitioner in the UK and now lives in the United States of America where she holds the post of Director of Human Rights Studies and the Harvard Law School, she also is a lecturer at the Kennedy School of Government.
Nadine Finch is a Barrister at Garden Court Chambers in London. She specializes in immigration, asylum and human rights with a particular interest in separated and trafficked children. She has contributed to a number of published articles and books regarding issues of UASC.
Research aims
The researchers wanted to explore the experiences of UASC who were undergoing the process of determination in the asylum system in the UK. The research project was undertaken in 2004, and the primary aim of the research was to ascertain whether the UK asylum system aided or hindered UASC from exercising their right under the 1951 UN Convention and whether the process was in line with regional and international best practice human rights standards. Furthermore the researchers were aiming to discover if the asylum process was indeed hindering UASC from receiving protection, how far in breaching the protocol norms. The researchers were aiming to establish if there were any changes to legislation or policy which would ensure that international law was complied with. Lastly the research aimed to discover which policies and procedures had been helpful in assisting those claims that were successful in obtaining protection for UASC.
Research design and methodology
The research was qualitative and a variety of research instruments were employed. To begin with the researchers undertook a literature review of both domestic and international legislation including policies and practice that was relevant to the UK. One of the researchers who was the UK co-ordinator of the research study held various meetings with a wide range of non-governmental organisations, civil servants who worked with UASC, local government officials and the Home Office. Correspondence and minutes of meetings of the above mentioned organisations and officials helped gather data of the issues being researched. The researchers mention that this collation of data was done to provide an overview of the issues that were a cause for concern. Face to face interviews were conducted with UASC and their legal representatives, local government officials, non-governmental organisations and Home Office staff. The researchers state that one limitation of the study was the failure to interview an Adjudicator even though attempts to organise a meeting were tried on several occasions.
Findings
The study found that UASC were being discriminated against and that official’s showed indifference to the suffering of UASC and the hardships they faced. The researchers discovered that there was wilful violation of UK obligations to the International Human Rights Treaty. The research study found that although there had been improvement in some aspects of care and support given to unaccompanied children, nonetheless unsatisfactory practice and policy application towards UASC especially in regards to age disputes and flawed age determination process was exposed. Furthermore the study revealed that practice between local authorities varied significantly. It was discovered that there was a significantly high number of children were being age disputed. The major policy that was not being adhered to was the “benefit of the doubt” principle, the researchers found that there was a “failure to apply this principle, even though the Home Office policy states that it should be applied when a child’s age is being queried.” The study also found that children were less likely to be granted asylum as adults were and were not assessing specialised mental health support or psychiatric support even though the majority of the young people interviewed responses indicated that they were suffering from anxiety, depression and trauma.
6th article
Brownlees, L. and Finch, N. (2010) Levelling the playing field: A UNICEF UK report into provision of services to unaccompanied or separated migrant children in three local authority areas in England [Online]. Available from: https://www.unicef.org.uk/Documents/Publications/levelling-playing-field.pdf
Researcher Identity
Laura Brownlees is an independent research and policy consultant, with expertise in the field of children’s rights, child protection and immigration& asylum. She has previously worked for Save the Children UK and Save the Children Albania as a policy officer, coordinating a response to child trafficking across South East Europe. She has carried out Qualitative research projects, annotated bibliographies and literature reviews for a number of International and national NGO’s, including UNICEF, ECPAT and Save the Children UK.
Nadine Finch is a Barrister at Garden Court Chambers in London. She specializes in immigration, asylum and human rights with a particular interest in separated and trafficked children. She has contributed to a number of published articles and books regarding issues of UASC.
Research Aims
This rationale for this research study was identified after the research findings of a study by Bhabha and Finch indicated that provision of services for UASC was not appropriate and varied widely across the UK. The main aim of the research was to examine the issues that either facilitated or denied the access of UASC to services from the local authority such as education, health and housing. The study also aimed to investigate whether services provided to UASC met their complex needs and whether they were in line with legal standards. The researchers were aiming to find out and identify if there were any particular groups of children who were most likely to be excluded from accessing a full range of local authority services. The 3 areas chosen for the study were Kent, because of its strategic geographical location [in terms of being next to the port of Dover where most UASC come through], Solihull because of the Large Asylum Screening Unite that was located there in 2002 [the UASC numbers increased in the area as a result] and the London Borough of Harrow [because of its diverse ethnic mix].
Research design and methodology
The research employed a qualitative approach as it aimed to explore the wide range of issues affecting UASC access to services. The researchers state that very early in the study they were aware of the ethical and methodological challenges in identifying and doing research with UASC. The research instruments used were semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions. They did not use random sampling as they had a “targeted” set of characteristics needed for the children to have in order to take part in the research study. They state that the research was directed by informed consent.
Findings
The research findings reflect previous research findings from similar studies. The study revealed that there was a confusion in the implementation of policies as well as contradictions between child protection, child welfare and immigration legislation. It found that UASC and asylum seekers were unpopular and were perceived as making “unfounded claims”. The political climate was generally anti –asylum seekers with policy being devised to differentiate between citizen children and migrant children. Furthermore the study revealed that racism and discrimination against UASC was increasing hardship for these children.
Critical appraisal of methods
Rutter et al., (2006) suggest that when appraising research design, one should investigate if the research study method can appropriately answer the question, in addition you need to assess the validity of the findings. Kitely and Stogdon, (2014) maintain that in appraising the literature the aim is to make judgement on the relevance of the literature to your topic. All the research articles used to help answer this dissertation question adopted a qualitative approach, which was the most suitable methodological approach to use because their research aimed to find meaning and interpret UASC perceptions and experiences. This kind of research does not require quantifying and would not be able to be applied to answer the research questions. Therefore the articles used did take on the most appropriate research design. The authors were very well versed in their respective topics with some writers being key seminal writers in the field of human rights, children’s rights and asylum.

Discussion
A thematic analysis of the research findings was undertaken and key themes to emerge from the data will form the discussion for this chapter. The key themes identified were:
Traumatic experiences
Research has undoubtedly documented that UASC pre-flight experiences impact on their psychological well-being, however there is some indication that practitioners know very little about the traumatic circumstances of these children in their countries of origin (Hopkins & Hill, 2006:27). Their anguish is often compounded by separation from their family and can have a profound impact on their emotional wellness Groark et al ., 2010; Kohli, 2011),nonetheless the research revealed that UASC are a resilient group of young people and are determined to make a new life for themselves. Kohli, suggests that practitioners focus on “being practically helpful and emotionally attuned to the complexities that UASC face in their day to day lives” (Kohli, 2011:321). Difficult life experiences can account for the reasons (Groark., et al, 2010; Hopkins and Hill, 2010: 96) as to why some children may seem to be more emotional mature than other children of the same age.UASC’s psychological well-being is often compromised as they experience distress and emotional problems related to the uncertainty they face, having to literally live in limbo with regards to their legal status (Groark et al., 2010; Stevenson and Willott, 2007:676).
These children showed signs of significant mental distress evidenced in the study by Groark et al., (2010), who used The Spence’s Children’s Anxiety Scale, the Child Impact of Events Scale and the Birleson Depression Scale to measure UASC’s psychological well-being and trauma impact. The results of the study indicated clinical depression, anxiety and UASC were suffering from Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), however in the same study the research revealed an underutilisation of mental health services. This is likely to be linked to the fact that service provision varied across local authorities (Bhabha& Finch, 2006; Stevenson & Willott, 2007) as well as the cultural factors (Hek, 2005) that may influence young people to be circumspect of seeking help regarding mental health.
Complex needs
The needs of UASC are varied and research indicates that although the UK has legislation to ensure humane and equal provision to refugee children, this is not always the case. The service provision across the UK is fragmented as this area of practice lacks explicit nationwide statutory guidance, the result of which has exacerbated their hardship. The single most important need as identified in Hopkins and Hill (2006) was the need for UASC to be considered and accepted as children. The significance of age not only demonstrates to the child that you believe them, but also has implications for the provision of services to meet their needs. The need to be believed was a prime concern to the UASC and the research suggest that children suffered significant distress when they were disbelieved.
Educational needs
Under 22(3A) of The Children Act (1989) amended in Children and Families Act (2014) a duty is placed on local authorities to promote educational achievement of looked after children, as such UASC should be afforded access to education and is suitable to their complexities, however the research indicated that although there was evidence of good practice in some local authorities, there was still a gap in provision. The research indicated that in inner cities, school places were hard to get and in rural areas the lack of experience with this particular group of children left service provision inadequate.
Social workers who were engaged with the young people expressed great admiration for the children’s desire to get an education and how they placed a high value on education, stating that their resilience is remarkable considering their previous life experiences. This desire for education is one of the major aspirations UASC have, so as to gain some form of “normality”. The therapeutic value of attending school or college for these young people is immense and Kohli (2011) states education and a normal routine assist children to resettle and establish a “home”.
Age disputes
Crawley (2007) maintains that the process of age determination is a complex task, however the evidence suggests that age assessments are being conducted by unreliable “visual” judgements which are neither rigorous enough in their validity to base such an important decision on.Since there are many different circumstances in which age may be disputed, it is not surprising that the research indicated a very high number of children being age disputed in the UK, furthermore the literature highlights the experience of age determination procedures as being oppressive (Crawley, 2007). There is no straightforward way of determining chronological age and the Children’s Champion Sir Aynsley-Green strongly objected to the proposals of using x-rays to determine chronological age, stating age determination was an “inexact science”. The research indicates children are highly distressed as a result of being age disputed and this anxiety is further compounded by their legal status. The Home Office policy concerning the decision to grant permission to remain in the UK as a recognised refugee changed in 2005. As of 30 August 2005 refugee status was no longer granted indefinitely. The implications for UASC are only granted temporary leave either, Discretionary Leave (DL) or Humanitarian Protection (HP). The implications for UASC is that they are constantly anxious about the Home Office sending them back to their home countries when they leave runs out. The research showed that up to 72 per cent of children are granted DL (Hopkins & Hill, 2006:18).
The major challenge for UASC is the burden of proof to prove their age, especially if they have used forged documentation to enter the UK, or if they have enter clandestinely without any documentation. Not only do they find immigration officials unsympathetic, research has revealed that there is a deep-set “culture of disbelief” surrounding UASC accounts of persecution (Bhabha and Finch, 2006; Crawley; 2007; Dennis, 2012).
Age disputes have further significance for UASC who are mistakenly assessed to be older than 18 years old, the first concern is that they are likely to be detained in an adult holding facility (Crawley, 2007; Dennis, 2012). The detention of children is in direct violation to international commitments the UK is signatory to, it also raises protection issues and implications on children’s mental well-being. Bhabha and Finch (2006) assert that although in theory children should be accommodated by social services and only in exceptional circumstances should a child be detained[which should only be overnight] whilst child suitable arrangements are being made, children nonetheless are still being detained as adults because of incorrect age determination (Bhabha and Finch, 2007:67). Research has documented the harmful effects of child detention, which lead to one of the UK’s most notorious detention centre Yarls Wood to shut its wing that housed children and families’ similar cases of detriment effects on children’s well-being also indicated Oakington Immigration Removal Centre. Likewise children who are assessed as older than they are can be accommodated under adult independent living arrangements, which include hostels or hotels. The research revealed children who were placed in this type of accommodation felt very much isolated, afraid and due to the disruption and nuisance behaviour from other residents they suffered “flash backs” to pre-flight traumatic events( Groark et al, 2010; Hopkins & Hill, 2006).
Aspirations
The research revealed the high level of aspiration UASC held for their futures especially the desire to go access HE (Stevenson & Willott, 2007: 676), with UASC showing great determination to do so. It should be noted that education is a basic right, but policies of restriction and differentiating access to HE for asylum seeking children in the UK is a mockery of the commitments made under the Children Act (1989). The research indicated conflicting interests between children’s aspirations to attain and education and the support services that were actually available to them (Stevenson & Willott, 2007). Additionally, UASC have aspirations to belong to their “new” life anddesire to gain the right to remain in the UK and rebuild their lives (Kohli, 2011: 318). Children flourish in safe and stable environments.

Conclusion
The research has clearly indicated that gaps do exist and are persistent in terms of meeting the needs of UASC, the research points to accommodation provision as being unsuitable and having potential safeguarding implications. Therefore a need for further research with regards to accommodationprovision and how the type of accommodation is impacting on UASC well-being. The inter-related issue of age dispute and service provision needs to be addressed by rigorous policy restructuring so as to ensure the principles of “best interest of the child” are complied with, failure to address policy will continue to marginalise UASC and further damage the psychological and emotional well –being of this vulnerable population. There is an urgent need to readdress the approach and attitude in which practice, policy and intervention with these children is met. The author suggest the following recommendations:
• UASC must be treated from the outset as citizen children in a humane and dignified approach, strict guidance must be introduced and it should be applicable to all local authorities. This principle must be mirrored in the attitudes of all practitioners and immigration officials who will work with UASC at any given time. It is imperative that they understand the vulnerability and trauma these children have already being subjected to, hence officials in the UK must not further harm these children.
• The benefit of the doubt principle is part of policy but as this study has shown, it is not always adhered to. Therefore the author recommends this principle be implemented at all times so as not to mistakenly assess a child as an adult when in fact they are a child. The author further maintains when a thorough “Merton Compliant” assessment is carried out and the applicant is found to be an adult, should they be treated as such.
• Humanitarian visas introduced to stop traffickers and agents bringing in children clandestinely, as this often leads to officials disbelieving children who arrive with no documentation, furthermore the criminalization of UASC must be stopped. They must be treated as children first, migrants second.
• The policy of sending children back to countries that are unsafe should be re-evaluated until the country is deemed safe, children should only be returned where there is clear evidence of protection and reception provision.
• End policies that contribute to and exacerbate UASC vulnerability and isolation from mainstream way of life.

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