Annotated Bibliography

Assignment 1: (worth 15%)
The annotated bibliography should include summaries of 3 journal articles about the appropriation of hip hop. In the first half of the page, you should critically outline the key points made in the resource, what kinds of evidence are used and in the second half you should comment on the relevance of the resource to the critical essay topic (is white participation in hip hop cultural progress or cultural theft?). Remember that each annotation must be grounded in the argument/position of the authors and not your opinion. The articles you choose to annotate must be social science articles (the best way to do this is to use the Sociological Abstracts database through the library. If you don’t know how to do this, talk to a librarian (in-person or via web chat). Popular press articles are not acceptable. Each annotation should be 2 pages maximum (double-spaced). Bibliographic citations should be at the top of each page and should be in ASA format (http://www.utm.utoronto.ca/sociology/sites/files/sociology/public/users/armahpam/UTM%20SOC%20ASA%20format%20citation%20guide.pdf)

You will be graded on:
-the quality and complexity of your summary of key points and evidence used
-the depth and quality of the relevance to the critical essay topic
-the organization, style and grammar of your writing

Length:
-6 pages maximum (double-spaced)

Format:
-Times New Roman font, 12-point size, normal margins (2.54cm)
-please print double-sided
-no subheadings
-attach the rubric (see last page) to the assignment

Sources:
-you must use 3 scholarly journal articles
-citations should be in ASA format

(http://www.utm.utoronto.ca/sociology/sites/files/sociology/public/users/armahpam/UTM%20SOC%20ASA%20format%20citation%20guide.pdf)

Resources for writing an annotated bibliography:
http://www.writing.utoronto.ca/advice/specific-types-of-writing/annotated-bibliography
http://guides.library.cornell.edu/annotatedbibliography
http://www.lib.sfu.ca/help/cite-write/citation-style-guides/annotated-bibliography

Below are some example of unsuccessful and successful annotated bibliography entries (these are student examples from another class that I have not edited). Reasons for unacceptability are highlighted.

UNACCEPTABLE

Creese, Andrew, Katherine Floyd, Anita Alban and Lorna Guiness (2002) “Cost Effectiveness of HIV/AIDS Interventions in Africa: A Systematic Review of the Evidence”, in William G. Mosely (ed.), Taking Sides: Clashing Views on African Issues, New York: McGraw Hill, 2012. [too short; no connection to broader essay topic] Creese et al. (2002) are mainly concerned with the cost of HIV/AIDS. They find that the cost of preventing HIV / AIDS is much lower than the cost of treating the disease. However, they acknowledge that there are problems with the data on the effectiveness of both prevention and treatment programs.
Creese et al. (2002) also point out that most African countries are poor, and they could get better results for money spent by focusing more on prevention.
One statement that stands out in this paper is that drug therapy for African persons living with HIV/AIDS “might increase transmission since risky behaviour by HIV-positive people with improved life expectancy could be encouraged”. Such a statement reflects both HIV-related and racial stigma that is prevalent in Western society, and it can be taken as one more example of Western tolerance for the “genocide by neglect” idea.

Pagliaro, S. & Klindera, K. (2001). Youth Development: Strengthening Prevention Strategies. Advocates for Youth. [not an academic journal article] This article focuses on the fact that youth development programs are particularly important for underprivileged young people for understanding HIV prevention and eventually protecting themselves from engaging in high-risk behaviours. Pagliaro & Klindera outline six premises on which youth development programs should be modeled. The authors point out the fact that youth development should be able to meet needs of young participants, which are based on individual assets and strengths. Premise 1 holds that youth development should focus on encouraging people’s individual assets such as family, friends, cultures, rather than accentuating the negative aspects of their experiences. These assets can potentially reduce the chance of engaging risky behaviour by tutoring, or peer effects. Therefore, program planners should combine asset building with risk prevention. Premise 2 is that youth development program should focus on the real problems of human needs, not simply epidemic information and condom availability, as by addressing these needs behaviours are more likely to be modified. Premise 3 is that youth participation is required in program designing and activities because this will promote active participation and youth feel their needs are being addressed and the information remains relevant to them. Premise 4 is that program should gather positive and knowledgeable adult staff because promoting a trusting relationship between adults and youth will promote effective communication. Premise 5 is that program planners should consider the social environment as an important factor such as families, friends, schools, communities, and government, these factors are important to consider in preventing HIV-related behaviour. Premise 6 is that program planners should involve all parties of the community to commit to these goals.

The article is relevant to the topic of HIV prevention in the LGBTQ* youth population as youth development programs could play effective roles in HIV prevention in the LGBTQ* population. According to the Toronto Teen Survey, between December 2006 and August 2007, only 62% of 1,216 Toronto teens aged 13 to 18 received sexual health education in school , meaning that there is still 38% of Toronto teens could be exposed to HIV without knowledge of prevention, testing, treatment or support mechanisms. Sexual health education is critical in promoting positive health outcomes for youth across their life course. Moreover, Premise 1 in the article mentions that program planner should design programs according to each individual’s assets and strengths. The Toronto Teen Survey reported that 83% of youth surveyed had never consulted a health care provider for any sexual health reason . This is important because many individuals have barriers to accessing resources that may be beneficial to their physical and emotional well-being due to a variety of constraints such as their proximity to health centers locations, availability of culturally and religiously sensitive resources among other. I believe that the programs can be more effective this way because they can become more all encompassing and inclusive to tailor programs to the specific needs of all individuals.

ACCEPTABLE

Mullins, C. W. (2009). ‘We Are Going to Rape You and Taste Tutsi Women’: Rape during the 1994 Rwandan Genocide. British Journal of Criminology.
This article examines the nature and dynamics of sexual violence during times of armed conflict, particularly as it occurred during the Rwandan genocide. Mullins drew upon testimonies given to the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda illustrating rapes – both singular and mass – in order to qualitatively analyze emerging themes. In general, Mullins identified and analyzed two types of sexual assaults: opportunistic assaults, which seemed to be a product of the disorder inherent within the conflict; and genocidal rapes, which were framed by the broader genocidal endeavours occurring at the time.
Mullins explores the incredibly gendered nature of the Rwandan genocide. He links the anti-Tutsi sexual violence to a masculine psychology of violence and domination in which rape is means to exert Hutu power and supremacy. In Rwanda, rape was highly organized and used as an orchestrated tactic of warfare. Genocidal rapes in Rwanda were motivated by more than ordinary incentives for sex, but were part of a broader attempt to exterminate the Tutsi people. Rape was as much a weapon of war as machetes were. Women were killed either during the act itself, or left to die of rape injuries such as blood loss.
Mullins traces back the enormous stress on masculine gender roles during times of conflict to long periods of social inequality such as that which was pre-existing in Rwanda. Hutu men that were denied access to typical gender capital could frame horrific actions such as rape and murder as enactment of ethnic superiority in order to use the genocide itself as a vehicle for the reclamation of their masculinity. Within opportunistic rape, men could reclaim masculine authority and power by raping specific women who had rejected them in the past.
Additionally, and importantly, the willful transmission of HIV was used as a policy of war for the purpose of ethnic cleansing. The weaponization of HIV worked to both kill off the women in a community and ensured that they could not reproduce. HIV positive men were released from prisons to participate in the anti-Tutsi genocide by raping women until death or impregnancy. Captured women in Rwanda were taken to HIV-positive soldiers specifically to be raped. One genocide and rape survivor recounts her rapist as saying: “We are not killing you. We are giving you something worse. You will die a slow death”.
This article is highly relevant to our discussion as it demonstrates how power and gender relations are key to understanding the implications of the Rwandan genocide on women and HIV. The symbolism of such sexual violence emphasizes the intensity of the gendered and ethnicist emotions driving the genocidaires and framing their behaviours. Rape itself is infused with gendered power dynamics; scholars have long acknowledged that rape is as much about power as it is about sex. Sexual violence was just one more way for Hutu men to dominate and destroy the Tutsi population. Furthermore, this article was the glue that connects together gender-based violence and the prominence of gender with HIV transmission as it underscored how HIV transmission thrives where there are power inequalities. It important to note that gender inequality and gender based violence existed in Rwanda prior to the genocide, genocide provided the backdrop for the perpetual rape on a mass scale. Mullins’ article illustrates how rape relies on pervasive Rwandan cultural norms that stress sexual virtue of women. Furthermore, Mullins does a good job at illustrating how the legacies of war, in the form HIV and STIs, have been uniquely left on the shoulders of women.
Mukamana, D., & Brysiewicz, P. (2006). Rape Survivors of the Rwandan Genocide. International Journal of Critical Pscyhology. 17, 140-166.

Mukamana and Collins’ article explores the lived experiences of rape survivors of the 1994 Rwandan genocide. They focus on a gender-based perspective of violence by investigating how rape was used as a weapon of war and the willful transmission of HIV. The article was predicated on participant observation research and interviews with the women survivors of the genocide, suitably illustrating the dramatic, personal experiences of the victims of the genocide. Mukamana and Collins discuss issues of stigma, discrimination, blame and denial and the long lasting impacts of gender-based violence on the physical and psychological wellbeing of women post-conflict
Mukamana and Collins discuss how and why gender-based sexual violence was able to flourish during the genocide. Gender inequality and gender based violence were pre-existing in the social fabric of Rwanda. Thus, the Rwandan genocide provided a backdrop for the perpetual rape of women on a mass scale. The effectiveness of rape as a policy of war relies on the pervasive cultural norm that stresses the sexual virtue of women. Mukamana and Collins then explore the severe social stigma carried by such gender-based violations. As discussed in lectures and by Parker and Aggleton among other authors, this sort of stigma discourages people – in this case, Rwandan women – from seeking adequate medical attention and the assistance they needed. Stigma undermines the aims of HIV prevention work as increased stigma increases the difficulty for women to discuss an HIV positive status and serves as a disincentive for them to come forward as rape victims and receive medical treatment. Silence surrounding rape is pervasive in Rwanda as rape is associated with dishonor due to the high level of importance given to virginity and sexual virtue.
Furthermore, the experiences of rape survivors were exacerbated by the social exclusion they suffered. They often experience severe guilt for surviving their experience while their male counterparts were killed. Such emotional trauma has led to feelings of hopelessness and depression rates of 29% fifteen years after the events of 1994. Rape victims often face neglect and blame within their societies, being not viewed as victims, but rather vessels of disease. Rape did not occur in a vacuum, it was also accompanied by physical and psychological torture. After the conflict ended, women were faced with a lack of available resources and high levels of poverty, and forced to continue with their pregnancies to raise these children as single mothers.
Moreover, this article was highly relevant to our research topic as it explored many of the underlying factors that set the backdrop for the genocide and subsequent epidemic of stigma that followed widespread HIV infection, otherwise known as the social determinants of health. It also did well in exploring how AIDS-related stigma is overlaid with other forms of discrimination including ethnicity, gender, HIV-positive status, rape victimhood and single motherhood. Furthermore, it served to analyze the experiences of Rwandan genocide and rape survivors in a qualitative manner. It specifically addressed core course concepts including how HIV permeates through lines of inequality and marginalization, the psychological, emotional and social implications of the diagnosis, and how HIV alters community and social dynamics into a matrix of stigma, blame and moral panic. Lastly, Mukamana and Collins’ article did well to shed light on the present or recent status of Rwandan genocide survivors, which allowed us to discuss the conflict’s aftermaths, and consequences that continue to manifest themselves in Rwandan community life. This article included statistics that were conflicting with some of the other resources that we researched and so was used only for its qualitative data.
Mukamana, D., & Brysiewicz, P. (2008). The lived experience of genocide rape survivors in Rwanda. Journal of Nursing Scholarship, 40(4), 379-384.

This article explores the sequelae of war and rape during the 1995 Rwandan genocide using a phenomenological approach to study rape victims and genocide survivors across Rwanda. Mukamana and Brysiewicz particularly focus on the themes: sexual violation of perceived inferiors, loss of dignity and respect, loss of identity, social isolation, loss of hope for the future due to HIV/AIDS and developing a sense of community. The article tells us that amidst a landscape of ethnic subordination, rape was used as a form of revenge on Tutsi women who were perceived as sexual seductresses undermining the authority of the Hutu men. Rape was a form of revenge. It went beyond the sexual attack against the women and was directed at the community. It was a stripper of dignity and respect. Mukamana and Brysiewicz said the emphasis of sexual purity of women.
The article discusses issues of power relations and the difference between rape during civil unrest and peacetime. During civil unrest, rape goes beyond a sexual attack against the individual. This is because women are the center of the family and cultural reproduction. Thus, women become strategic targets of genocidal rape when the intent is to eradicate an entire ethnic group. We used this article to examine gender-based violence and power structures in society and its association with the issues of HIV/AIDS related stigma, discrimination and denial. AIDS-related stigma among women was overlaid with multiple forms of discrimination on the basis of gender, ethnicity and socio-economic status. Being tested HIV positive fundamental altars the life planes of the individuals, and their sense of self and identity. Rwandan rape victims experienced this through the loss of hope for their future, loss of dignity and respect and loss of identity. Being tested HIV positive fundamental altars the life planes of the individuals, and their sense of self and identity. Bury defines this as a ‘biographical disruption’.
Due to the high level of stigma and fear of rejection, social exclusion and condemnation from family and community networks, women often do not reveal their rape experiences. This further deters women form getting tested for HIV and disclosing their HIV status to spouses, family and community. This denial in turn increases the likelihood of transmission of HIV to partners and the vertical transmission of HIV to children. Moreover, high levels of stigma have impended the implementation of health services and treatment for women that are HIV positive and at risk of HIV infection.
The psychological stress experienced by rape victims was magnified due to their inability to discuss their experiences. The women were often not seen as rape victims, but rather as complacent to the sexual abuse and thus responsible for accursing HIV. As noted in class, HIV-related stigma has severe physical and psychological implications on rape victims. There are high rates of emotional distress, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder and reduced self-esteem among HIV positive rape victims. The level of stress the women experienced was further multiplied due to the nature of the civil conflict. Women were not only victims of physical rape and systematical HIV infection but were also forced to witness the execution of their family and friends.
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