MENC: The National Association for Music Education

MENC: The National Association for Music Education
Engineering Change in Music Education: A Model of the Political Process Underlying theBoston School Music Movement (1829-1838)
Author(s): Estelle R. Jorgensen
Source: Journal of Research in Music Education, Vol. 31, No. 1 (Spring, 1983), pp. 67-75
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. on behalf of MENC: The National Association forMusic Education
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3345111
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JRME 1983, VOLUME 31, NUMBER 1, PAGES 67-75 67 In this paper, a dynamic model of the political process underlying the Boston school music movement (1829-1838) is explained. Its function is to generate hypotheses about the political process underlying public school music innovations in Type C politico- organizational environments: those in which executive responsibility for public education is vested in local school boards. Implications of the model include: a “snowball effect” as a movement gains support and events transpire with increasing rapidity; the importance of orchestrating the political process, particularly in the early phases; a “demonstration effect” and the role of model schools; the distinction between the efficacy of an idea and how well it is sold to the public at large; and the possible utility of the model for contemporary public school music practice. Estelle R. Jorgensen, McGill University Engineering Change in Music Education: A Model of the Political Process Underlying the Boston School Music Movement (1829-1838) The Boston school music movement is an example of the operation of the political process in public school music, notably the engineering of change in goals, organizational structures, and characteristic attributes. In particular, the role of William Channing Woodbridge as a catalyst in the movement to incorporate vocal music as a regular part of the public school curriculum is of interest. His determination and political acumen, in conjunction with circumstances beyond his control, resulted in the eventual implementation of his objective. This model is derived primari- ly from an analysis of evidence in Jorgensen (Note 1), Silantien (1976), Silantien (Note 2), and Wilson (1973). Its function is to generate hypotheses about the political process underlying public school music innovations in Type C politico-organizational environments: those in which executive responsibility for public education is vested in local school boards (Jorgensen, 1980, p. 100). Requests for reprints should be sent to Estelle R. Jorgensen, Faculty of Music, McGill University, P. O. Box 6070 Station A, Montreal, Canada H3C 3G1.This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Thu, 15 Sep 2016 16:39:05 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
68 JORGENSEN The Model Figure 1 is a schematic representation of the political process underly- ing the Boston school music movement (1829-1838). The model consists of several component cells that will briefly be explained. Arrows represent the direction of pressure exerted on various cells, indicative of the dynamic nature of the model. We assume that for every action on each cell, there is a resistance to the pressure for change that varies over time (Zentner, 1972). The movement from left to right indicated in the model implies that the resistance to change is overcome and the innovation is successfully established. Educators Idea Catalyst MusiciansoM Other Members of School Society System Figure 1. The political (1829-1838). Productivism constituted the Boston school self-styled productivist Emanuel von Fellenberg Heinrich Pestalozzi, treatises on musical dungslehre, 1810), extensively in Germany journey (1824-1829). he had an opportunity employed in German enced by Pestalozzianism subject in the .public Schonemann, 1928, introduce musical superiority of so-called over those employed ‘For Woodbridge’s outline between productivism and Educational Institutions of Hofwyl, Reprinted from Longmans, 1842, pp. 225-This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Thu, 15 Sep 2016 16:39:05 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
JRME 69 (Woodbridge, 1833, p. 199). Biographical sketches of Woodbridge may be found in Alcott (1858), Starr (1936), and Silantien (Note 2). An examination of the evidence suggests that he was a catalyst in the Boston school music movement. Although known as a geographer, educational reformer, author, editor, and licensed minister of religion, Woodbridge was not a musician. Elam Ives, Jr., a one-time collaborator with Woodbridge, wrote of him that “he had no ear for music, and no knowledge of the science” (Silantien, 1976, p. 82). Nevertheless, he seems to have been able to mobilize three important pressure groups with vested interests in school music: musi- cians, educators, and other members of society. Two key figures among the influential musicians he rallied to his cause were Elam Ives, Jr., and Lowell Mason. Evidently, Woodbridge first worked with Ives at Hartford, Connecticut (John, 1960). In the spring and summer of 1830, they translated some of the European materials Woodbridge had brought with him and in the summer through September 1830, Ives conducted an experiment sometimes referred to as the “Hartford Experiment,” using these materials with a volunteer class of approximately 70 children ages 6 to 12 yrs. Subse- quently, he used the method in experiments with other children’s choirs. At this time, Lowell Mason was apparently a well-known church musician and music teacher in Boston. In addition to his collaboration with Woodbridge in the presentation of an illustrated lecture before the American Institute of Instruction in August 1830 entitled: “On Vocal Music as a Branch of Common Education,” Mason was persuaded by Woodbridge to conduct his own experiment with the method. Mason found that the new approach constituted an advance over his previous methods of musical instruction, and believing that musical instruction offered through the singing schools was of limited benefit (Pemberton, 1971, pp. 111, 165, 166; Root, 1891, p. 52), he saw the introduction of vocal music into the public school curriculum as a means of achieving more systematic and thorough musical instruction. Woodbridge’s influence on educators and other members of society was facilitated through two principal means: his editorship of the American Annals of Education and Instruction, a journal through which his ideas were brought to the attention of the education profession; and his public lectures, the best known being “On Vocal Music as a Branch of Common Education.” Through these means he articulated a philosophy and underlying rationale for the school music movement that became widespread by the mid-nineteenth century (Stone, 1957). This philoso- phy stressed the social values of music: the notions that music education was within the grasp of practically everyone and that amateurism rather than professionalism was the preferred objective of mass musical in- struction-a utilitarian philosophy of music in which the extrinsic value of vocal music instruction for moral development was stressed, rather than its intrinsic value (i.e., the musical study for its own sake). Not satisfied with the response to his lecture and other public and written statements on the subject of vocal music in the public school curriculum, Woodbridge iterated his views in a series of articles pub-This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Thu, 15 Sep 2016 16:39:05 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
70 JORGENSEN lished in the American Annals of Education and Instruction (Jorgensen, Note 1). He wrote (1833): We have waited, in the hope that something should appear, from those more competent to treat this subject. But we are disappointed; and the misapprehensions which have been entertained by some concerning the views of those engaged in this cause, call for an immediate and full account of our opinions and reasons, although we shall be compelled to repeat much of what we have previously said on the subject. (p. 193) Another important vehicle through which Woodbridge sought to arouse support from educators and society at large was through demon- strations by children’s choirs. For example, the impact of the juvenile concerts mounted in 1832-33 as a result of his influence was consider- able. Samuel A. Eliot later remarked (1835): Never shall we forget the mingled emotions of wonder, delight, vanquished incredulity and pleased hope, with which the juvenile concerts were attended. The coldest heart was touched, and glistening eyes and quivering lips attested the depth and strength of the feelings excited in the bosoms of parents and teachers; while the happy little pupils themselves seemed to have acquired a new sense, as they certainly had gained a new source of enjoyment. Their excitement was so great as to make frequent repetitions dangerous, and the concerts were discontinued, notwithstanding the urgent solicitation of many to whom they were equally new and delightful. (p. 4) According to Eliot (1835, pp. 4, 5), it was principally due to the efforts of Woodbridge that the Boston Academy of Music was incorporated in March 1833. He was also active in the early stages of operation of the academy, serving as its recording secretary and publicizing its activities, notably in the American Annals of Education and Instruction. The academy represented a model school outside the public school system but nevertheless a means through which political pressure could be exerted on the school system by musicians, educators, and other members of society. One of the stated objectives of the Boston Academy of Music was the introduction of “vocal music into schools, by the aid of such teachers as the Academy may be able to employ, each of whom shall instruct classes alternately in a number of schools” (Wilson, 1973, Vol. 2, p. 29). Lowell Mason and George J. Webb were hired as professors in the academy, giving it immediate respectability among members of society. From the objectives of the academy as outlined in the “First Annual Report of the Boston Academy of Music,” it does not appear that there was any intention of relinquishing control of music instruction to the School Committee of the City of Boston (Wilson, 1973, Vol. 2, p. 29). Rather, it was envisaged that control would remain with the academy, and profes- sional musicians hired by the academy would offer musical instruction in the public schools. As an association of businessmen and professionals, many of whom held positions in local government and on various public school committees, the academy was an important force in the subse- quent negotiations with the school committee over the introduction ofThis content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Thu, 15 Sep 2016 16:39:05 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
JRME 71 vocal music into the public schools (Wilson, 1973, Vol. 1, pp. 53, 54; Vol. 2, pp. 88, 89). The formation of the Boston Academy of Music appears to have been a civic response in support of the school music movement. At this point in the political process, no one person’s influence can be cited as preeminent. Various individuals, not necessarily musicians, assumed leadership roles as the support base for the movement widened; among these were George H. Snelling, T. Kemper Davis, Samuel A. Eliot, and Lowell Mason. Prior to the formation of the academy and in response to Woodbridge’s ideas, Snelling, a member of the Boston Primary School Board, prepared a report that was accepted in January 1832, but subsequently buried. In the report, it was resolved that systematic vocal instruction should be introduced on an experimental basis in one school in each district (Wilson, 1973, Vol. 2, pp. 80-87). Snelling later became a member of the academy; Davis, an attorney and member of the academy, was a signator to the petition of 24 citizens to include music in the schools (1836) and subsequently chaired a special committee on music reporting to the school committee (1837-38). Eliot was a long- time president of the Boston Academy of Music (1835-1847) and during a crucial time in negotiations with the school committee (1837- 38), was mayor of Boston and chairman of the school committee. He played a key role in steering the proposal to introduce vocal music into the public schools through committees. Mason assumed a leadership role among the music teachers in Boston and, as a professor of the Boston Academy of Music, composer, compiler of choral music, and author of instructional materials in music, he brought prestige and respectability to the school music movement. The “demonstration effect” of the Boston Academy of Music (result- ing from a large enrollment, the operation of vocal programs in several private schools, juvenile concerts, and teaching training classes) generat- ed increased civic support for the school music movement (“Boston Academy of Music, First Annual Report,” 1833). In 1836, two petitions by citizens of Boston and a memorial from the Boston Academy of Music requested the introduction of vocal instruction in the public schools were delivered to the school committee, creating added political pressure (Wilson, 1973, Vol. 2, pp. 88-94). As a result of these petitions and the memorial, and after some delay, a special committee on music of three members, with T. Kemper Davis as chairman, was struck (February 14, 1837) to study the petitions and make recommendations to the school committee on vocal instruction in the schools. Efforts now focused on securing a model school within the Boston public school system. The special committee on music studied the work that had been done through the Boston Academy of Music over the previous years. A questionnaire was sent to principals of five private schools in which music instruction was a part of the curriculum, and these men supported the idea of vocal music in the schools (Wilson, 1973, Vol. 2, pp. 96-108). On the basis of this evidence, the Davis committee recommended the introduction of vocal music on an experimental basis in four public schools under the supervision of the Boston Academy of Music (AugustThis content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Thu, 15 Sep 2016 16:39:05 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
72 JORGENSEN 24, 1837), and the school committee approved the report on September 19, 1837. A stalemate developed when an appropriation for the music experiment requested from the common council of the City of Boston by the school committee was not granted. It was broken only when Lowell Mason, upon his return from Europe in October 1837, agreed to teach music gratuitously at the Hawes School in South Boston, subsequently approved by the school committee on November 14, 1837, (Wilson, 1973, Vol. 2, pp. 110-131). This action necessitated compromises: only one school would be available as a model school instead of the four recommended by the Davis committee; no financial backing would be given to the project to substitute for the appropriation recommended by the school committee; and control of the experiment was vested in the school committee, rather than in the Boston Academy of Music as the Davis committee had recommended (Wilson, 1973, Vol. 1, p. 68). At the same time the proposal to offer vocal music instruction on an experimental basis in the public schools was being debated by the school committee, the common council, and the council of aldermen (Septem- ber-November, 1837), civic support had to be relied upon to carry the debate in the press. For example, Nathan Hale’e editorial in the Boston Daily Advertiser and Patriot, critical of attempts to introduce vocal music into the public schools, was met with rebuttals from the readership supportive of school music (Wilson, 1973, Vol. 2, pp. 208-214). It is clear that at one of the most crucial points of the political process, musicians were the most powerless, and had to rely on support from educators and society (represented by civic politicians as well as members of the community) to secure even a modest beachhead in the public schools. The school committee’s decision to conduct the Hawes School Experi- ment (November 14, 1837), was followed by a classic example of the impact of a model school within a public school system. The Hawes School for boys and girls located in the south of Boston was “one of the very best in the city.” In the press, public attention was drawn to the experiment and evaluation of its results was invited (Wilson, 1973, Vol. 2, pp. 213, 214). A committee of five members (chaired by T. Kemper Davis) was appointed on January 8, 1838, to work in cooperation with a subcommittee from the Hawes School, and the Davis committee present- ed three very favorable reports to the school committee, dated February 13, May 8, and August 7, 1838 (Wilson, 1973, Vol. 2, pp. 132-137). The Hawes School Experiment also had an impact on other public schools in Boston, and the school committee apparently received a request from the Bowdoin School for vocal music instruction in that school as well. Wilson has presented some interesting evidence suggest- ing that the discussion of the question of introducing vocal music into the Bowdoin and Franklin Schools at the school committee meeting on August 14, 1838, may well have generated an amended motion recom- mending the introduction of vocal instruction in the City of Boston’s “grammar and writing schools” that was passed at the subsequent school committee meeting, August 28, 1838 (Wilson, 1973, Vol. 2, pp. 137- 139). Also, we cannot overlook the impact on the members of the schoolThis content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Thu, 15 Sep 2016 16:39:05 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
JRME 73 committee of the Hawes School annual exhibition, featuring a music demonstration for the morning of August 14, 1838–the same day that the school committee meeting was held (Wilson, 1973, Vol. 2, pp. 136, 329-334). Implications This case illustrates a number of principles: first, there is an evident snowball effect in the political process underlying the Boston school music movement. Not only did the movement gain a widening base of support, but events transpired with increasing rapidity. It took approxi- mately 3 /2 yr. (November 1829 to March 1833) from Woodbridge’s return to the United States following his second European journey until the incorporation of the Boston Academy of Music; approximately 4 yr. (March 1833 to February 1837) from the incorporation of the Boston Academy of Music until the Davis special committee on music was struck; approximately 10 mo. (February 1837 to November 1837) from the striking of the Davis committee until the Hawes School Experiment was approved; and approximately 10 mo. (November 1837 to August 1838) from the approval of the Hawes School Experiment until an agreement to introduce music into “grammar and writing” public schools of Boston was finally ratified. Second, there is an ever-widening circle of actors, their prominence changing over time, each contributing in a unique way to the achieve- ment of the objective. The case illustrates the principle that a political process must be orchestrated, particularly in the early stages. It requires a protagonist with clear-sighted vision and a well-articulated rationale, who acts as a catalyst to build a base of support for those ideas in the wider professional and societal context. The protagonist must also have great persistence and patience. As Woodbridge wrote of the Boston Academy of Music in 1835 (Boston Academy of Music, 1835): We are sure that our readers will rejoice with us in the progress of this institution; and we now consider the measures begun, which will secure the object on which our heart was fixed six years since, and which we determined never to abandon-the introduction of vocal music, as a branch of common school education. (p. 330) The support of members of the community, particularly those involved in political and civic responsibilities, is needed for it is likely that these persons must be relied on to carry the debate in the later crucial stages of the political process. Third, the case illustrates the importance of the demonstration effect-the importance of providing a model, first outside the system and then within it, constituting a practical visible demonstration of the root ideas, drawing from and continuing to draw from a widening base of support, and resulting in political pressure brought to bear upon the particular system for which change is desired.This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Thu, 15 Sep 2016 16:39:05 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
74 JORGENSEN Fourth, the success of the political process does not necessarily have to do with the efficacy of an idea so much as how effectively it has been sold to the public. We note how little attention was given to the careful testing of ideas in the Boston School music movement: a few short experiments by Ives and Mason, a 3-yr. demonstration by the Boston Academy of Music, and a 10-mo. trial at the Hawes School. Rather, we see a crusading zeal on the part of the supporters of the school music movement and, with few exceptions, little critical attention to the underlying assumptions of that movement. Fifth, further research is needed to determine the extent to which this model, based on historical evidence from the Boston school music movement (1829-1838), fits the evidence of the political process in other democratic school systems. To the degree that it does, it may be of potential utility in the design of political strategies in contempory public school music. REFERENCE NOTES 1. Jorgensen, E. R. William Channing Woodbridge’s lecture, “On vocal music branch of music education,” revisited. Manuscript submitted for publication, 1982. 2. Silantien, J. J. William Channing Woodbridge: His life and contributions to American music education. Unpublished master’s thesis, Catholic University of America, 1972. REFERENCES Alcott, W. A. William Channing Woodbridge. American Journal of Education, 1858, 5, 51-64. Boston Academy of Music. American Annals of Education and Instruction (3rd ser.), 1835, 5, 329-330. Boston Academy of Music, First Annual Report. American Annals of Education Instruction (3rd ser.), 1833, 3, 373-377. Eliot, S. A. Address before the Boston Academy of Music on the opening of the Odeon. Boston: Perkins, Marvin and Co., 1835. John, R. W. Elam Ives and the Pestalozzian philosophy of music education. Journal of Research in Music Education, 1960, 8, 45-50. Jorgensen, E. R. Selected indexes of the academic and professional preparation of music supervisors in Canada. Journal of Research in Music Education, 1980, 28, 92-102. Kfibler, G. F. Anleitung zum Gesang-Unterrichte in Schulen. Stuttgart: J. B. Metzer’schen Buchhandlung, 1826. Pemberton, C. A. Lowell Mason: His life and work. (Doctoral dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1971): Pfeiffer, M. T., & Nigeli, H. G. Gesangbildungslehre nach Pestalozzischen Grundsiit- zen pidagogisch begriindet von Michael Traugott Pfeiffer, methodisch bearbeitet von Hans Georg Niigeli. Ziirich: H. G. Nigeli, 1810. Root, G. F. The story of my musical life: An autobiography. Cincinnati: John Church, 1891. Schiinemann, G. Geschichte der Deutschen Schulmusik. Leipzig: Fr. Kistner and C. F. W. Siegel, 1928.This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Thu, 15 Sep 2016 16:39:05 UTCAll use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
JRME 75
Silantien, J. J. The contributions of William Channing Woodbridge to American
music education. Contributions to American Music Education, 1976, No. 4, 77-93.
Starr, H. E. Woodbridge, William Channing. Dictionary of American Biography
(Vol. 19). New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1936, 484-485.
Stone, J. H. Mid-nineteenth-century American beliefs in the social value of
music. The Musical Quarterly, 1957, 43, 38-49.
Wilson, B. D. A documentary history of music in the public schools of the City of Boston,
1830-1850 (2 vols.). (Doctoral dissertation, University of Michigan, 1973)
December 17, 1982
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