THE ROLE OF RELIGION AND SPIRITUALITY IN SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE WITH CHILDREN AND YOUTH: A NATIONAL SURVEY OF CLINICAL SOCIAL WORKERS

By Connie L. Kvarfordt, Ph.D.
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Social Policy and Social Work at Virginia Commonwealth University.
Virginia Commonwealth University, 2005
Director: Dr. Michael J. Sheridan, Associate Professor, School of Social Work
This study examined social workers’ attitudes and behaviors about religion and
spirituality in social work practice with children and youth. A cross-sectional survey
design with disproportionate random sampling was used to gather data from the American
Board of Examiners national membership list of clinical social workers. Out of 671
eligible participants, 283 responded to the survey, representing a 42% response rate.
Overall, participants had a favorable attitude toward the role of religion and
spirituality in social work practice, a positive view regarding the relevance of religion and
spirituality in children and youth’s lives, and a somewhat frequent identification of, and
experience with, spiritual and religious abuse and neglect of children and youth. They
used a wide variety of religious and spiritually-derived interventions with this population,
and while a small percentage of respondents reported that children and youth come to them
with religious or spiritual issues, nearly twice as many felt that children could be helped if
spiritual or religious issues were addressed. The vast majority of participants reported that
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religious or spiritual issues were rarely, if ever, addressed in their social work education
and training, with almost equal numbers of participants being either satisfied or dissatisfied
with this.
Seven factors were found to be most predictive of the use of religious or spiritually-
based interventions with children and youth: practitioner attitudes about the role of religion
and spirituality in social work practice; experiences with spiritual and religious abuse and
neglect of children and youth; views about social workers’ role in helping children develop
spiritually; beliefs about the percentage of clients that could be helped by addressing the
subject; attitudes about the relevance of religion and spirituality in children and youth’s
lives; the number of children and youth seen each week; and respondents’ participation in
private religious or spiritual activities. Implications for social work practice and education
include ethical guidelines and curriculum considerations for spiritually sensitive practice
with this population.
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Chapter I
PROBLEM STATEMENT
Scope and Significance of the Problem
As a helping profession, one of social work’s unique contributions is to recognize
and appreciate the complexity of human behavior by viewing the person in the
environment and applying a bio-psycho-social model for assessment and intervention.
However, as professional practices continue to evolve, it is suggested that in order to be
more holistic and more effective in addressing modem concerns, the current bio-psycho
social model should also include a spiritual component (Canda, 1989; Canda &
Furman,1999; Cascio, 1998, 1999; Cowley & Derezotes, 1994; Cornett, 1992; Cox, 1985;
Dudly & Helfgott, 1990; Pellebon & Anderson, 1999; Sahlein, 2002; Sheridan, Wilmer,
Atcheson, 1994).
Interestingly, the beginning foundation of the social work profession is firmly
rooted in the traditions and values of the Judeo-Christian tradition. This began to change,
however, around the 20th century when the profession moved toward a more secular
orientation (Canda, 1988a; Fauri, 1988). More recently, over the course of the last twenty
years, a renewed interest in religion and spirituality in social work practice and education
has steadily increased (Canda, 1988b; Canda & Furman, 1999; Cowley & Derezotes, 1994;
Dudly & Helfgott, 1990; Gotterer, 2001; Joseph, 1987; Kaplan, Dziegielewski, 1999;
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Logan, 1990; Rice & Dudley, 1997; Sermabeikian, 1994; Schiele, 1996). This growing
ecognition within the social work profession regarding the relevance of spiritually as an
important fundamental aspect of human experience and development is evident in the
increased publications and professional conference presentations on the topic. For
example, a keyword search (religio*, spiritual*, transpersonal) of abstracts in Social Work
Abstracts database, spanning the years from 1994 to 2003, resulted in 448 articles with a
focus on the topic. This is nearly double the 229 articles that resulted from a search of the
previous ten years from 1984 to 1993. Moreover, in 1990, the Society for Spirituality and
Social Work was formed to address issues regarding spiritual and religious sensitive
practice in the social work profession. The organization held its 9th annual conference in
the Summer of 2004, continues to publish a quarterly Spirituality and Social Work Forum,
and has at least eight state chapters across the country. Another indication that spirituality
is increasingly being acknowledged as an important aspect of human diversity is that in the
last two versions of the policy guiding the accreditation of social work educational
programs (1992 Curriculum Policy Statement and 2001 Educational Policy and
Accreditation Standards), attention to religion and spirituality were included after an
absence of nearly thirty years (Council on Social Work Education, 2004; Russell, 1998).
As the social work profession continues to be responsive and inclusive of religious
and spiritual issues in practice and education, interest has also grown within the profession
regarding the spiritual and religious lives of children and youth. This appears to be a fairly
recent phenomenon that is emerging both within and outside of the profession of social
work. For example, the 1st U.S. Conference on Children’s Spirituality was organized in
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2002 by the ChildSpirit Institute, an organization of an international network of children,
parents, teachers, and scholars created to better understand and nurture children’s
spirituality. The conference was held in Atlanta, Georgia and attended by 240 participants
from 35 states and 9 countries. Furthermore, the Society for Spirituality and Social
Work’s seventh annual conference offered for the first time a presentation on spirituality
and resilience in childhood. Increased interest on this topic within the profession is also
evident by a key word search as conducted previously in Social Work Abstracts but
limiting the search to include the terms “child*,” “adoles*,” “youth,” in addition to
“religio*,” “spiritual*,” and “transpersonal.” This resulted in only 29 articles on the topic
from years 1984 to 1993 with an increase to 98 articles on the topic from years 1994 to
2003. On an international level, children’s spiritual and religious rights are recognized and
included in the United Nations Convention of the Rights of the Child adopted in 1989. So
far 192 countries have ratified these Rights (UNICEF, 2003).
Robert Coles (1990) was one of the first pioneers to explore children’s experiences
of spirituality, their views of God and religion, and the ways they find meaning in their
lives. His years of candid interviews with over 500 children provide insight into the
diversity, depth, and perceptive understanding that children possess. Recent trends in
adolescent religiosity show that while church attendance among 12th graders has decreased
by 8% over the last twenty years, 1976 to 1996, the number of the same age youth who
report that religion is “very important” has grown by 3%. These data would seem to
support the notion that increasing numbers of adolescents are finding introspective or
subjective religion to be important in their lives (Smith, Denton, Faris, & Regnerus, 2002).
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These findings are important because in the year 2000, twenty-six percent (70.4
million) of the American population was under the age of 18 (ChildStats, 2002). Children
and youth in the United States today face a myriad of unique and daunting challenges.
Social work is a profession dedicated to improving the lives of vulnerable populations,
including children. As such, in order to help children and youth navigate these challenges
successfully, social work practitioners must offer a wide range of services that encompass
all aspects of children’s and youth’s lives. For example, social workers serve children and
youth who are abused and neglected, have mental health needs, are ill and hospitalized, or
need substance abuse treatment. Social workers also work in a variety of settings to
decrease youth violence, prevent unwanted pregnancy, and promote positive problem
solving skills. Because religion and spirituality has the potential to be intimately
intertwined with thoughts and behaviors, it would seem important in order to be
comprehensive in our approach when helping children, that all aspects of their life
experiences, including religion and spirituality, would be utilized as they successfully
transition into adulthood.
Many of the challenges that children and youth face are problems that often coexist
with one another. For example, mental health disorders and substance use often go hand
and hand (Robbins, et al., 2002) and each of these difficulties are often linked to
experiences of abuse and neglect (Kilpatrick, Saunders, & Smith, 2003). While
acknowledging the complexity of these problems, for purposes of discussion, they have
been organized and limited to the following categories: mental health, substance use,
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delinquency and criminal behavior, sexuality, violence, and the effects of a postmodern
society.
Mental Health
Excluding substance use disorders, it is estimated that over 18% of children ages 9
to 17, have a diagnosable mental health condition, which presents with at least some mild
impairment to daily living. The two most common disorders are anxiety disorders (13%)
and disruptive disorders (10%), while an estimated 6% of youth have mood disorders, and
4% are affected by attention deficit disorder (Shaffer, et al., 1996). In addition, in 1997,
5% of America’s youth under the age of 18 who were treated for severe mental health
disorders (nearly 66,000) lived in mental health residential programs (Warner & Pottick,
2003).
Children and youth with mental health disorders are at higher risk for other
problematic behaviors and co-occurring diagnosis including substance use (Robbins, et al.,
2002) cigarette use (Milberger, Biederman, Faraone, Chen, & Jones, 1997; Upadhyaya,
Deas, Brady, & Kruesl, 2002) and delinquency (Kazdin, 2000; Lyons, Baerger, Quigley,
Erlich, & Griffin, 2001; Randall, Henggeler, Pickrel, & Brondino, 1999). Perhaps the
most tragic consequence is that mood disorders, particularly depression, increases the risk
of suicide (U. S. Department of Mental Health, 1999b). According to the Child Trends
Databank (n.d.), the number of youth who had thought seriously about committing suicide
has dropped from 27% in 1990 to 19% in 2001. However, attempts at suicide have
remained steady throughout the decade in that 8% of youth in 1990, and 9% of youth in
2001, reported to have attempted suicide, and 2% of youth in 1990, and 3% of youth in
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2001, attempted suicide and required medical attention. Another report by the Children’s
Defense Fund (2002), estimated that five children or youth under age 20 commit suicide
every day in the United States.
There are biological and environmental risk factors for mental health disorders
among children and youth. Biological factors include prenatal damage from mother’s use
of drugs and alcohol, and genetic predisposition. Environmental risk factors include
multigenerational poverty, unsatisfactory peer and parental relationships, abuse and
neglect, exposure to traumatic events (U. S. Department of Mental Health, 1999a), and a
family history of suicide (Sorenson, 1991). Along these lines, Newman and colleagues
(1996) suggest there is a strong need for primary intervention in mental health that targets
children and adolescents. This conclusion was based on the results of their longitudinal
study that began collecting data when children were 11 years old and found that by age 21
nearly half of the sample were diagnosed with multiple mental health disorders and 73%
had a developmental history of mental health problems. Unfortunately, it is estimated that
only 25% of youth that need mental health services receive them (Leaf, et al., 1996).
Substance Use
One of the most recent surveys of 2002 estimated that among 12th graders, 17%
used cigarettes on a daily basis, 30% used alcohol within the last 30 days to the point of
being drunk, and 53% have used an illicit drug during their lifetime. These estimates are
10%, 18%, and 45%, respectively, among 10th graders and 5%, 7% and 25%, respectively,
among 8th graders. The 12th grader’s most frequently used illicit drug was marijuana
(48%), followed by amphetamines (17%), hallucinogens (12%), and inhalants (12%)
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(Monitoring the Future, 2002). Adolescents’ attitudes about the dangers of drugs are also a
concern. According to the same national survey, from 2000 to 2001 there was a significant
decrease, by 3% to 4% respectively, in the number of youth who reported that regular use
of inhalants and LSD will put an individual at “great risk” for harm.
The above estimates are disturbing because there are damaging and sometimes-
irrevocable consequences related to substance use. These hazards include health-related
problems such as chronic bronchitis, increased heart rate, high blood pressure, stroke, and
seizures; brain damage and memory loss; mental health problems such as anxiety,
depression, paranoia, and drug induced psychosis; legal complications; financial burdens;
social difficulties; and death (Spiess, 2003). Substance use also influences a youth’s
decision to have sex or use a condom (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2002) and increases the
risk of suicide behavior (Garnefski & Wilder, 1998; Spiess, 2003).
Substance use among youth is also particularly worrisome because it tends to
establish a negative pattern for future coping behaviors. For example, survey results from
the National Household Survey on Drug Abuse suggest that the earlier in life a person first
uses substances the more likely she or he will develop drug dependency in adulthood
(Spiess, 2003). Unfortunately, this same survey shows that there has been a steady decline
over the past two decades in the age a youth first uses substances. The average age for first
time use of marijuana and for inhalants was 19, in 1980. Now, in 2000, the average age of
first time marijuana use is 17.5 and the average age for first time inhalant use is 16.
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Delinquency and Criminal Behavior
Even though violent crime and property offenses among youth declined from 1994
to 2000, in 2000, there were an estimated 98,900 arrests of youth under the age of 18 for
violent crime (murder, forcible rape, robbery aggravated assault) and 518,800 arrests of
youth under the age of 18 for crimes against property (burglary, larceny-theft, motor
vehicle theft, and arson). This accounts for 16% of all violent crime arrests and 32% of all
property crime arrests in the United States (Snyder, Puzzanchera, & Kang, 2002). One
consequence of this is that more than 108,900 youth in 1999 resided in public and private
juvenile institutions (Sickmund & Wan, 2001).
Not only is youth crime a problem, but youth gang activity continues to be a
national concern. From 1996 to 2000, youth gang activity, which is often associated with
criminal activity, has remained a persistent problem among all cities with a population
over 250,000 and among 86% of cities with a population between 100,000 and 250,000
(Egley, 2002). It should also be noted that gang related violent crime committed against
other gangs varies greatly depending upon the size of the community. Among cities with
populations larger than 100,000, 54% of law enforcement agencies reported that the
majority of violent crime was against a rival gang, and only 21% was committed against
persons not involved in gangs. However, among communities of no more than 25,000
these figures are nearly reversed to 23% and 59% respectively (Egley & Mehala, 2002)
A study by the National Gang Crime Research Center (2001) estimated the
prevalence of gang membership among incarcerated youth and provided information about
a youth’s decision making process when joining or leaving a gang. The survey of 2,865
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offenders from 22 correctional facilities (19 were juvenile facilities) in seven states,
reported that 38% of offenders had belonged to a gang. Of this group of gang members,
73% voluntarily joined their gang, 83% joined their gang on or before the age of 14, and
almost half have attempted to leave their gang. In addition, 61% had other family
members in their gang and one third reported that their parents were unaware of their gang
membership. However, 44% reported that the persons most likely to get them to leave the
gang were their family.
Sexuality
In 2001, 45.6% of 9th through 12th grade students reported to have had sexual
intercourse. Of these students, 33% were considered to be currently sexually active, and
7% had initiated sexual intercourse before the age of 13 (Grunbaum, et al., 2002).
It is not surprising that early sexual activity is often associated with other risk
taking behaviors such as smoking, drug and alcohol use, and other delinquent behavior
(Albert, Brown, & Flanigan, 2003; Harvey & Spigner, 1995). However, one of the most
concerning outcomes of adolescents engaging in sexual behavior is the possibility of
unwanted pregnancy. Although the teen birth rate has declined in recent years, the United
States continues to have one of the highest teenage pregnancy and birth rates among
developed countries (Singh & Darroch, 2000). In the year 2000, for every 1000 births, 27
were born to adolescents between the ages of 15 to 17 (Kids Count, 2003).
According to Coley and Lansdale’s (1998) research, adolescents who become
mothers may already experience the difficulties of poverty and low educational
achievement and adolescent parenting may only compound a youth’s ability to overcome
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these existing disadvantages. Moreover, they suggest that it is likely that early
childbearing also impedes the adolescent’s typical psychosocial development, though more
research is needed in this area.
Adolescent childbearing can also be problematic for the newborn child. Along
with other complications, infants born to teenage mothers are at higher risk for low birth
weight, prematurity, and mortality (Lee & Corpuz, 1988). These risks increase
substantially for children born to mothers less than 16 years of age (Cunnington, 2001;
Olausson, Cnattingius, Haglund, 1999; Phipps & Sowers, 2002). Adolescent mothers may
also be less skilled in parenting than older mothers; however, the effect of socioeconomic
differences between the two groups needs to be taken into account (Coley & Lansdale
1998). Similarly, children born to adolescent mothers may be more likely to exhibit
behavior problems and academic difficulties. For example, Gueorguieva and colleagues’
(2001) study of kindergarten children showed that children bom to adolescents were at risk
for educational problems and disabilities due to their mother’s disadvantage of low-level
education, being unmarried, and low socioeconomic status. Children born to adolescent
mothers, particularly second born children, may also be at higher risk for abuse and neglect
and more likely to be placed in foster care than children bom to older mothers (Goerge &
Lee, 1997). As they grow older, they are particularly more vulnerable to never graduating
from high school and to becoming a teenage mother themselves (Haveman, Wolfe, &
Peterson, 1997).
Unplanned pregnancy is not the only consequence for sexually active youth.
Sexually transmitted diseases are also a concern. One of today’s most devastating sexually
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transmitted diseases is HIV infection and AIDS. From 1985 through December 2001,
close to 4,400 adolescents, age 13-19 years old, have been diagnosed with AIDS (Centers
for Disease Control, 2002a) and 6,500 have been diagnosed with HIV infection (Centers
for Disease Control, 2002b): the majority of reported cases were exposed through sexual
contact with an infected person. In addition, it should be noted that minority youth,
particularly African Americans, are disproportionately affected by the epidemic (Centers
for Disease Control, 2002c).
Condom use among teens during first sex almost tripled from 1982 to 1995.
However, of the 33% of teens who reported to be sexually active in 2001, over half (58%)
did not use a condom during last sexual intercourse (Grunbaum et al., 2002). Assuming
that most youth are not monogamous for long periods of time, this would seem to suggest
that the adolescent population remains at high risk for sexually transmitted diseases.
Childhood Abuse and Neglect and Other Forms of Violence
Childhood abuse and neglect continues to be a pervasive problem for America’s
children. In 2001, an estimated 903,000 children were confirmed victims of abuse and
neglect. Younger children were the ones most often victimized in that 28% were under the
age of 3, and 24% were 4 to 7 years old. Furthermore, during that same year, it is
estimated that nearly 2 million children received preventative services (Children’s Bureau,
2001a). In response to the victimization of children, approximately 542,000 children were
residing in foster care in 2001, where on average, they will stay for close to three years.
The majority of children (57%) who left foster care in that year were reunited with their
families, while 18% were adopted, and 10% were living with other relatives. The
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remaining children were either emancipated (7%), obtained guardianship (3%), were
transferred to another agency (3%), or ran away (2%) (Children’s Bureau, 2001b).
Children do not have to be direct recipients of violence to be negatively impacted.
Far more common is the witnessing of violence, which can also be traumatic and have long
lasting effects. According to Kilpatrick and colleagues (2003), in 1995, approximately 8.8
million youth witnessed someone else being shot, stabbed, sexually assaulted, physically
assaulted, or threatened with a weapon. Posttraumatic stress disorder, substance use, and
delinquency were some of the negative effects of witnessing violence, with girls being
more vulnerable to symptoms of PTSD and boys more likely to engage in delinquent acts.
Both sexes who witnessed violence were equally likely to develop substance use problems.
Unfortunately, there is evidence to suggest that violence is cyclical. A national
two-year longitudinal study found that youth who were victims of violence (had been shot,
cut or stabbed, jumped, or threatened with a knife or gun) during the first year of the study
were more likely than nonvictims to commit similar violent acts the following year.
Likewise, youth who were violent the first year were also more likely than nonoffending
youth to be violent the next year and also more likely to be victimized (Shaffer & Ruback,
2003).
Today’s youth also have the additional challenge of coping with the continued
threat of nuclear war and now acts of national terrorism. Shachter (1987) suggests that the
anxiety associated with such threats affects children’s confidence in adult’s ability to
protect them, their own capacity to cope with death, and their willingness to invest in
relationships. Several studies examined the impact of the nation’s recent September, 2001,
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terrorist attacks on children’s wellbeing. First, a national study conducted three to five
days after the terrorist attack found that among households with children, 35% reported
children experiencing one or more symptoms of stress, and 47% reported children
concerned about their own and their loved one’s safety (Schuster, et al., 2001). Another
national study conducted one to two months after the same terrorist attack found that
depending upon where in the country participants resided, 48% to 61% of adults reported
at least one child exhibited distress that included difficulty sleeping (20%), irritability
(30%), and fearfulness being separated from parents (27%) (Schlenger, et al., 2002). Two
smaller studies also contribute to our knowledge in this area. The first sampled
adolescents from California one month after September 11th, and reported youth
experiencing a heightened sense of vulnerability to death (Halpern-Felsher & Millstein,
2002). The second study found children experiencing considerable stress 8 to 10 months
after the Oklahoma bombing in 1995 (Pfefferbaum, et al., 2000).
These studies suggest that children living closest to such tragedies, as well as youth
living much further away, experience not only immediate but long-term distress. The
impact upon the mental health system after such an event can be tremendous. For
example, after the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995, over 96,000 hours of mental health
services and activities were delivered to youth in Oklahoma City public schools and other
educational districts (Pfefferbaum, Call, & Sconzo, 1999).
Postmodernity and Global Consciousness
Unlike the previous sections there are no statistics to measure the effects of the new
postmodern era, only a growing concern that it is different from what we have known and
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while there are positive aspects about it, there are negative aspects as well. The following
section will describe postmodern society and what some psychologists, philosophers, and
social scientists are saying about the positive and negative effects of postmodernity on
human wellbeing.
The rapid globalization of information and communication technology, as well as
the increased ease of mobility and immigration fueled the postmodern era. This new era is
characterized by the realization that there are many different ways that human beings live,
organize themselves, and create culture. With the recognition of multiple world views,
comes an awareness and critique of one’s own culture, and an opportunity for multiple
choices of beliefs, ways of living, conducting one’s self, and creating an identity. This has
allowed humans to be more pluralistic, to pick and choose, and mix and match different
rituals, traditions, and symbols from diverse cultures (Anderson, 1995; Best & Kellner,
1991).
One of the most noteworthy repercussions of this new global civilization is the
notion that “truth,” what we consider to be “real,” is socially constructed. According to
Anderson (1995) the postmodern era has changed the way we come to understand what is
true; it has created “shifts in belief about belief’ (p. 2). Before postmodernism, reality was
thought to be objective and ultimately knowable, and “truth” was considered to be an
absolute. Now, with the recognition of diverse worldviews, there is a shift in awareness
among some that reality is subjective and there are multiple truths (Anderson, 1995; Kvale,
1995). As Anderson (1995) described, “The cosmos may be found; but the ideas we form
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about it, and the things we say about it, are made” (p. 8). In other words, now we must
consider that there is always a theoretical lens to our scientific “facts” (Kvale, 1995).
The positive aspects of this new era are increased freedom, boundless creativity,
endless choices, new innovative ways to coexist, and the opportunities for personal and
collective growth when confronted with cultural differences. However, the negative
aspects are a sense of nihilism and feelings of loss; a lack of boundaries between cultures
with a threat of possible homogenization; a lack of legitimization that leads to skepticism
towards authorities; relativity of values; and increased ambiguity, anxiety, and despair
(Anderson, 1995; Berlin, 1995; Jencks, 1995; Kvale, 1995). It is a uniquely disturbing yet
exciting time when, “experts can explain anything in the objective world to us, yet we
understand our own lives less and less. In short, we live in the post-modern world, where
everything is possible and almost nothing is certain” (Havel, 1995, p. 234).
A professor of psychology, Gergen (1991), developed the term “multiphrenia” to
describe the human experience of self and others that is created by postmodernism’s social
saturation. Multiphrenia is defined as the “splitting of the individual into multiple self-
investments”(Gergen, 1991, p. 73) that results from the expanded opportunities for self-
expression and relationships that are offered by today’s technology. The process includes
the “acquisition of multiple and disparate potentials for being,” which Gergen calls self
population (p. 69). Gergen suggests that technology has the ability to expand our
potential, and as it does, we use it more and more for self-expression. The more
technology we use, the more we expand our repertoire for potential ways of being. This
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can be an experience that is liberating because it is full of possibilities, but because it is a
process that tends to feed on itself it is potentially arduous as well.
According to Gergen (1991) there are three main features of multiphrenia that are
brought on by the increased media and information technologies of postmodern society.
First, there are abundant opportunities for exploring and accumulating new experiences,
passions, goals, and relationships, all of which come at a price of increasing desires, wants,
and demands that require effort, become “musts,” and ultimately reduce one’s freedom.
Relationships that are meaningful and sustaining may become more scarce for they require
obligation of communication, shared activities, and provisions of support. Second, the
increased range of options about the many ways of knowing and being are often
contradictory, which leads to an overshadowing sense of inadequacy that one’s self is not
enough. Third, there is a recession of rationality where everyday lines of reasoning are no
longer obvious but are dependent upon the group a person may identify with at any given
time and circumstance. There are now a variety of criteria on which to base a decision and
the contextual complexity for judgment making has increased and may frequently be
experienced as incompatible and incongruent.
In subsequent writings, Gergen (2000) expands upon postmodernism’s erosion of
the essential self and offers a number of new concepts. The first concept, polyvocality, is
the ability to hold multiple views, values, and sentiments that are often at odds with each
other. The drawback of polyvocality is that with all the conflicting internal dialog there is
a tendency to no longer search within oneself for guidance, but rather, a person may be
more inclined to “turn outward to… [the] social context: to search the range of ambient
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opinion, to ‘network,’ and negotiate.” (Gergen, 2000, p. 4). Second, because of the
inundation of information and images there is a de-authentication that occurs and one loses
the sense of any spontaneous originality or creativity that can uniquely be identified as
one’s own. The third concept is the commodification of the .s’e//where the cultural
saturation of media technology leads to an ever-increasing need for new “characters” in
popular entertainment. Now, the average person, if interesting enough can become known
to the public, which leads to the growing sense that the self is for trade or profit. A
consequence of this is that, “.. .Being true to one’s self, possessing depth of character, and
searching for one’s identity all become old-fashioned phrases; they are nicely suited for
earlier times, but are no longer profitable” (Gergen, 2000, p. 5).
Samuel (2000) adds to the concern about postmodern media suggesting that it
contributes to the confusion of what is “real.” He maintains that the watchers are now the
actors, private and public domains are no longer easily separated, and virtual reality and
actual reality are indistinguishable. All of which, he puts forth, promotes a type of media
narcissism where youth such as Dylan Klebold and Eric Harris of the Columbine tragedy
seek notoriety for their violent acts. Further, he suggests that this blurring of our sense
about realities undermines traditional authorities, aggression is embellished and
exaggerated to the point where it is no longer taken seriously, and there is desensitization
to real violence in our culture. This promotes feelings of disempowerment and passivity,
and encourages denial about the effects of violence (Samual, 2000).
Several authors suggest that adolescents are particularly vulnerable to the negative
effects of postmodern society. Drawing from the work of Jaqueus Lucan’s psychoanalytic
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theory, Dufour (2000) suggests that unlike modernity, postmodernity offers no acceptable
figures of the Other that have been present throughout history as a form of collective
psychology. In this sense the Other refers to an ontological sense of being and . .is that
which assumes the origin for the subject” (Dufour, 2000, p. 2), to which the subject can
look for definition and dedicate one’s life such as the Father, Physis, God, Gods, Orisha,
King, Republic, People, Proletariat, and so on. As the space between subject and Other
becomes eradicated by postmodernity, the subject becomes self referential and self
defining. Dufour proposes that this lack of Other also leads to a) the creation of new sects
to seek the Other, b) substance use to misappropriate and deny the desire for Other into a
need that is more tangible, or c) one may do without the Other all together, which allows
for omnipotence and unlimited self-referential authority to commit acts of extreme
violence. Along these lines, Kunkle (2000) suggests that the perverse acts that are more
and more common in youth are a result of the suspension of, or continuation through
technological fantasy, or traversing the Other in postmodern society. Finally, Samuals
(2000) also proposes that violence is an attempt to regain a sense of what is real. He states,
“what we often find in acts of violence is a dehumanization of the Other coupled with a
desire to violently cut through the symbolic realm and attain some physical core of true
reality” (2000, p. 5). In summary, while the postmodern world may have much to offer
future generations, there are potential negative consequences to which youth may be
particularly vulnerable that should also be acknowledged.
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19
Focus of the Current Study
As mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, social work’s unique challenge is to
understand human behavior from a broad perspective that currently includes the bio
psycho-social aspects of well-being. As such, the social work profession has tried to
address the above issues regarding children’s well-being by using this same approach.
However, recent contributions have suggested that spirituality is a forgotten aspect of
human understanding and diversity that needs to be included in the bio-psycho-social
perspective (Canda, 1989; Canda & Furman, 1999; Cascio, 1999; Cowley & Derezotes,
1994; Cornett, 1992; Cox, 1985; Dudly & Helfgott, 1990; Pellebon & Anderson, 1999;
Sahlein, 2002; Sheridan, Wilmer, Atcheson, 1994). As the social work profession
continues to be responsive and inclusive of spiritual issues in practice and education,
interest has also grown within the profession regarding the spiritual and religious lives of
children and youth. However, only a small number of articles were found that specifically
discuss the practical application of spiritually based interventions with children and youth
or discuss ways to support children’s and youth’s spiritual development. These articles are
from a variety of disciplines including social work, education, psychiatry, psychology,
sociology, and art therapy. This list includes meditation and relaxation practices
(Derezotes, 2000; Sharma, Dillbeck, & Dillbeck, 1994; Chang, 1991), poetry and literature
(Myers & Myers, 1999; Pike, 2000), outdoor adventure and camping (Drovdahl, 1991;
Prince, 1999), Native American traditions (Skye, 2002), care giving and rituals for issues
of death and dying (Doka, 1994), Alcoholic Anonymous (Hackerman & King, 1998),
spiritual art therapy (Horovitz-Darby, 1994), educational and therapeutic milieu
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20
(Braverman, Meyers, & Bloomberg, 1994, Harvey, Coleman, 1997; Meyer & Lausell,
1996; Myers & Martin, 1993), and foster care (Gregory, Phillips, 1997; Schatz &
Horejsi,1996; Weaver, 1999).
While there has been increased interest within the social work profession regarding
spirituality of children and youth, very little information is known about practitioners’
view on the subject. Several studies regarding practitioners’ view of spirituality and social
work revealed that practitioners were generally favorable towards the inclusion of a
religious or spiritual orientation as a part of social work practice, but they received little or
inadequate training for this in their education (Canda & Furman (1999), Derezotes, 1995;
Gilbert, 2000; Sheridan, 2004; Sheridan & Bullis, 1991; Sheridan, Bullis, Adcock, Berlin,
& Miller, 1992). These four studies that investigated attitudes and behaviors toward
religion and spirituality have focused on social work practice with various adult
populations, but have not specifically inquired about the role of religion and spirituality in
working with children and youth. For example, only Derezotes (1995) included an item
that asked practitioners if they felt “spiritual abuse of children is a problem.” Therefore,
the purpose of this present investigation is to address this gap in knowledge by examining
the question, “What are practitioners’ views regarding the role of religion and spirituality
in social work practice with children and youth?”
The results of this study will be useful to social work practitioners and educators as
they struggle with an issue that requires an informed and thoughtful dialog. It will be
particularly relevant to social work practitioners that work with children and youth who are
dealing with various issues such as substance use, delinquency, sexuality, pregnancy,
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21
identity development, physical and mental wellness, self esteem, illness, death and dying,
abuse and neglect and other forms of violence, and our postmodern society. All of these
issues potentially have a spiritual or religious component that influences thought processes,
coping strategies, and behaviors. The findings from this study will increase our
understanding and offer insight into the current practices, level of knowledge, and
educational needs of social work practitioners as they strive to create effective practices
that not only incorporate the bio-psycho-social aspects of children and youth but are
sensitive to their spiritual and religious lives as well.
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Chapter II
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
The majority of articles in the literature review were located by conducting an
electronic search of the following databases: Social Work Abstracts, Psychological
Abstracts, Social Science Citation Index, and Eric. The articles broadly represent the fields
of social work, psychology, religious education, education, sociology, criminology,
nursing, psychiatry, and social biology. Most studies were published within the last ten
years. Older studies were included if they were considered landmark contributions or were
particularly noteworthy. Studies with participants above the age of 18 were excluded;
however, there were two exceptions: a) when the age range of participants extended into
the early twenties, but the average age of participants was 16 years of age; and b) when
studies were retrospective and asked participants to refer to a time when they were
children. Studies that focused on family religiousness were also excluded. Further, the
terms “children” and “youth” will often be used interchangeably to refer to an age range
that is from infancy to late adolescence.
Four bodies of literature inform this study. The first section of the literature review
includes the empirical studies to date that examine the attitudes and behaviors of social
workers about religiosity and spirituality in social work practice. The second section
includes both the theoretical and empirical literature on children and religiosity. Based
22
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23
mainly on the perspective of resiliency and control theory, studies in this area suggest that
religiosity may function as a protective factor that improves coping and overall well-being;
increases self-esteem; promotes educational attainment; and helps shield youth against
depression, premature sexual activity, delinquency, and substance use.
The third section of the literature review includes the writings that pertain to
children and spirituality. This section includes primarily theory based on a transpersonal
and experiential framework that describes children’s spiritual experiences and
consciousness development. While some theorists have contradictory views on this,
empirical studies will be presented that suggest children, like adults, search for meaning
and purpose in life and feel a relationship with a higher power. In addition, some of these
studies suggest that childhood may be a unique time of enhanced spiritual awareness and
that it is not unusual for children to have profound spiritual experiences that remain
influential throughout their lives.
The last section of the literature review examines the rather sparse writings on
spiritual and religious abuse and neglect of children. This is a relatively new concept in
the social work profession. Most writings in this section describe the concept, such as
when and how it occurs, but few seem to be a complete theory. Empirical studies in this
area are limited.
Social Workers’ Attitudes and Behaviors about Religion and Spirituality in Practice:
Empirical Review
This section of the literature review describes the eleven located empirical
contributions that investigated social worker’s attitudes and behaviors about religion and
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24
spirituality in social work practice (see Table 1). The findings of these studies have been
organized into the following four categories: a) attitudes toward the role of religion and
spirituality in social work practice; b) spiritually-sensitive practice and ethical decision
making; c) the use of religious and spiritually-based interventions; d) experiences with
religious and spiritual abuse and neglect of children and youth; and e) practitioners’ views
about their formal education regarding religion and spirituality in social work. Since all
studies in this area are descriptive, a theoretical framework will not be reviewed.
Attitudes Toward the Role of Religion and Spirituality in Social Work Practice
Six studies were located that addressed practitioners’ views regarding the role of religion
and spirituality in social work practice (Derezotes, 1995; Derezotes & Evans, 1995;
Joseph, 1988; Sheridan, 2004; Sheridan & Bullis, 1995; Sheridan, Bullis, Adcock, Berlin
& Miller, 1992). Of these studies, Joseph (1988) was one of the first to inquire about the
role of religion in social work practice. This investigation used random sampling methods
to collect data from 157 MSW program field instructors associated with a church-related
school of social work in Washington, D.C. All participants were in clinical practice.
Overall, findings suggested that practitioners had mixed views about the subject. For
example, 22% indicated that religious considerations were “very important” or “important”
in practice, 27 % reported that it was “very important” or “important” to inquire about the
client’s relationship with God, 33% reported that religion was considered “very important”
or “important” in the lives of their clients, 46% reported that it was “very important” or
“important” for social workers to focus attention on religion in working with clients, yet
52% reported that they “rarely” or “never” dealt with religious issues in practice.
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25
Table 1.
Overview of Practitioners’ Attitudes and Behaviors
Author (s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Attitudes toward the Role of Religion and Spirituality in Social Work Practice
Joseph (1988) 57 MSW program field instructors (clinical practice) of a church-related social work school in Washington D.C. / 81% female, average age 41 yrs, 80% Caucasian / mailed survey / random sample
Central questions: Do social workers consider religious and spiritual issues part of clients’ situation? Do they explore and assess these issues as being relevant? Do they actively address these issues in treatment? Was religious and spiritual content a part of their professional preparation for social work practice?
Sheridan 204 LCSWs from a Instruments included: the (2004) mid-Atlantic state, Role of Religion and 79% female, 93% Spirituality in Practice white, average age 50 (RRSP), and the yrs, 66% private Spiritually-Derived practice, 57% Interventions Checklist Christian / random sample (SDIC)
Sheridan, 328 licensed Role of Religion and Bullis, counselors, LCSWs, Spirituality in Practice Adcock, Berlin and clinical (RRSP) scale & Miller psychologists in (1992) Virginia, 57% female, 97% white, average age 43 yrs, 60% private practice / mailed survey / random proportionate sample
Over all, views were mixed. 22% reported religious considerations in practice were “very important / important,” 27% reported it was “very important” or “important” to inquire about the client’s relationship with God, 33% reported religion was “very important / important” in their client’s lives, 46% reported it was “very important / important” for social workers to focus attention on religion in practice, 52% reported they “rarely / never” dealt with religious issues in practice, 90% reported values were “very important” or “important” to discuss with clients. 1/3 reported adolescent youth develop an individualized view of God and are generally involved in a church
Practitioners had generally positive attitudes toward the role of religion and spirituality in practice (RRSP scale M= 72.72). Over 1/3 of clients presented with religious or spiritual issues.
Social workers valued the religious or spiritual dimension in their own lives and held respect and value for it in clients’ lives and for addressing the issue in practice (RRSP scale M = 75.02)
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Table 1 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Derezotes & Evans (1995)
56 social workers from Utah and Idaho, 2/3 female, average age 43 yrs, average 10 yrs experience, 50% Mormon / telephone interviews / themes identified and quantified / sample drawn from larger study
12 open-ended questions about the definition of spirituality and religion; relationship between personal spiritual growth and experiences and practice; diversity; and influence of societal spiritual emergence
Spirituality was an important issue for students, practitioners, and clinical practice, 91% reported clients bring up the issue. Religious and spiritual issues most relevant when examining value conflicts, and times of death, tragedy or needing meaning for life.
Derezotes 340 social workers (1995) from Idaho and Utah, 67% female, average age 42 yrs, 4% people of color, 76% were licensed / nonprobability sample
Examined views about religiosity, spirituality, and social work practice.
81% considered spiritual issues in practice, 63% reported every person has a spiritual dimension, and 58% thought most problems have a spiritual dimension.
Sheridan & Bullis (1991)
159 licensed professional counselors, LCSWs, and clinical psychologist in Virginia / drawn from a larger mailed survey / constant comparative analysis
Responses to one broad open-ended question about religion and spirituality in social work practice
Majority of participants expressed religion and spirituality was an important dimension in practice with clients.
Religious and Spiritually Sensitive Practice and Ethical Decision Making
Joseph (1988) 57 MSW program field instructors (clinical practice) of a church-related social work school in Washington D.C. / 81% female, average age 41 yrs, 80% Caucasian / mailed survey / random sample
Central questions: Do social workers consider religious and spiritual issues part of clients’ situation? Do they explore and assess these issues as being relevant? Do they actively address these issues in treatment? Was religious and spiritual content a part of their professional preparation for social work practice?
45% reported counter transference was “very important” or “somewhat important” when addressing religious issues with clients, 47% reported it is “very important / important” to wait until client first brings up religious issues.
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27
Table 1 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Gilbert (2000)
Canda (1988b)
14 certified licensed practitioners / focus group format / grounded theory analysis / purposeful sampling
Three guiding questions
Canda, Nakashima & Furman (2004)
Handwritten comments to 3 open- ended questions from national study (n=964, n= 1,295, and «=1,398 / NASW practitioner members / constant comparative analysis
18 social workers considered “experts” of spirituality and social work practice / telephone interviews
Three open-ended questions: a) importance of religious and spiritual issues in social work education, b) appropriateness of using religious and spiritually based interventions, and c) other issues related to the topic
Examined views of the professional helping relationship and significance of spirituality for practice
Spiritually sensitive practice includes: a) conducting a spiritual assessment, b) validating the appropriateness of spiritual content, c) being self-aware of one’s own spiritual beliefs, d) monitoring transference and counter transference, e) promoting respect for diversity, f) creating a safe environment for discussion, g) recognizing the usefulness of personal and community resources, and h) collaborating with religious and spiritual leaders
Ethical considerations when providing spiritual/religious based interventions: a) it is in keeping with client’s interest and goals, b) is consistent with client’s spiritual perspective, c) fits with client’s growth and developmental needs, c) is within a relationship of empathy, respect and mutual understanding. Practitioners should be: a) self- aware about own beliefs and values, b) competent, and c) be committed to professional values
With same belief client’s spiritually based helping was more explicit. When beliefs were not the same, spiritually sensitive practice was utilized by addressing client’s beliefs and needs without imposing clinician’s own. All participants expressed a respect and appreciation for diversity.
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Table 1 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Derezotes & Evans (1995)
56 social workers from Utah and Idaho, 2/3 female, average age 43 yrs, average 10 yrs experience, 50% Mormon / telephone interviews / themes identified and quantified / sample drawn from larger study
12 open-ended questions about the definition of spirituality and religion; relationship between personal spiritual growth and experiences and practice; diversity; and influence of societal spiritual emergence
Awareness of own beliefs and biases is necessary in order to help clients in this area. Religion should not be brought up unless the client does so first. Attending to their own spiritual growth was essential to helping clients.
Canda & Furman (1999)
Sheridan & Bullis (1991)
1069 members of NASW, 74% female, average age 48 yrs, 90% white, 70% Christian / random sample
159 licensed professional counselors, LCSWs, and clinical psychologist in Virginia / drawn from a larger mailed survey / constant comparative analysis
Examined the views of social workers regarding religion and spirituality in social work practice.
Responses to one broad open-ended question about religion and spirituality in social work practice
35% agreed they should introduce religion or spirituality using their discretion, 52% felt the client should first express interest
Variety of views about if or when to address issues of religion or spirituality: 37% only addressed when relevant psychological or social issues presented themselves, 32% only addressed when client first mentions it, 21% referred to other sources when needed.
Use of Religious and Spiritually Based Interventions
Mattison, Jayaratne & Croxton (2000)
1,283 NASW member social workers in direct practice, 80% female, 66% Christian, 16% no religious preference, average age 45 yrs / random sample
Degree of religiosity: How often do you attend religious services? How important is religion in your life? Religion and Prayer in Practice scale used to measure appropriate and engaged in practice behaviors.
Most frequent reported prayer activities were: discuss own religious beliefs with clients; pray with client at client’s request; use the serenity prayer. Least accepted prayer activities were: request client to pray with you; initiate the laying of hands; and recommend a religious form of healing. Religiosity of practitioner was the strongest predictor for reporting religious and prayer practices being appropriate.
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Table 1 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Joseph (1988) 57 MSW program field instructors (clinical practice) of a church-related social work school in Washington D.C. / 81% female, average age 41 yrs, 80% Caucasian / mailed survey / random sample
Canda, Nakashima & Furman (2004)
Handwritten comments to 3 open- ended questions from national study («=964, «=1,295, and «=1,398 / NASW practitioner members / constant comparative analysis
Sheridan, 328 licensed Bullis, professional Adcock, Berlin counselors, LSCWs, & Miller and clinical (1992) psychologist in Virginia, 57% female, 97% white, average age 43 yrs, 60% private practice / mailed survey / random proportionate sample
Central questions: Do social workers consider religious and spiritual issues part of clients’ situation? Do they explore and assess these issues as being relevant? Do they actively address these issues in treatment? Was religious and spiritual content a part of their professional preparation for social work practice?
Three open-ended questions: a) importance of religious and spiritual issues in social work education, b) appropriateness of using religious and spiritually based interventions, and c) other issues related to the topic
Examined attitudes and behaviors toward religion and spirituality in social work practice and education. Use of Spiritually-Derived Interventions Checklist (SDIC)
27% reported it was “very important / important” to ask about the client’s relationship with God, 90% reported that it was “very important / important” to deal with client’s value issues. Most used religious institutions for concrete and support services, 46% reported they “sometimes” refer to clergy, 46% reported to “sometimes” collaborate with clergy.
Practitioners expressed a strong positive view of spiritual assessment as it positively or negatively impact the client. Most frequently mentioned interventions: a) referrals or collaboration with spiritual/religious leaders, b) use of prayer, meditation, and or visualization, and c) use of rituals and symbols. The most diverse views were regarding the use of prayer.
Top 4 interventions: a) refer clients to 12-step programs; b) know client’s religious or spiritual backgrounds; c) help clients clarify religious or spiritual values; and c) use religious or spiritual language or concepts. Least performed interventions: use of prayer or meditate with a client.
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30
Table 1 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Sheridan (2004)
Derezotes (1995)
204 licensed clinical social workers from a mid-Atlantic state, 79% female, average age 50 yrs, 93% white, 66% private practice, 57% Christian / random sample
340 social workers from Idaho and Utah, 67% female, average age 42 yrs, 4% people of color, 76% were licensed / nonprobability sample
Instruments included: the Role of Religion and Spirituality in Practice (RRSP), and the Spiritually-Derived Interventions Checklist (SDIC)
Examined views about religiosity, spirituality, and social work practice.
Over 2/3 of practitioners considered 18 out of 24 interventions to be appropriate. Most appropriate interventions were: a) help clients reflect on beliefs about loss or other difficult life situations; b) help clients consider ways religion/spirituality supports, beliefs, or practices are helpful; c) gather information on clients religious/spiritual backgrounds; d) refer clients to others for religious/spiritual counseling; e) and discuss the role of beliefs in relation to significant others. Least appropriate interventions were: healing touch; and participate in clients’ religious/spiritual rituals. Predictors of practitioners’ use of spiritually-based interventions: a) a positive attitude toward the inclusion of religion and spirituality in practice; b) higher percentage of clients that present with spiritual or religious issues; c) higher percentage of clients who report that religion plays a negative role in their lives; and d) practitioners’ higher level of participation in religious or spiritual services.
Participants reported religious/spiritual issues most appropriate to discuss with issues regarding the meaning of life and death. Least appropriate interventions were: a) recommend spiritual books; b) discuss own spiritual beliefs; c) recommend client join or leave a religion; and) help client see God can be viewed as male or female. Dispersed views regarding praying privately for a client.
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31
Table 1 (continued).
Author (s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Sheridan & Bullis (1991)
159 licensed professional counselors, LCSWs, and clinical psychologist in Virginia / drawn from a larger mailed survey / constant comparative analysis
Responses to one broad open-ended question about religion and spirituality in social work practice
Appropriate interventions included: a) using religious language or metaphors; b) encouraging involvement in supportive religious or spiritual organizations; c) helping clarify religious or spiritual values; and d) identifying religious backgrounds and the effects on client’s lives. Inappropriate interventions included: a) sharing and imposing own beliefs on clients; and b) disagreeing with client’s beliefs.
Canda & Furman (1999)
1069 members of NASW, 74% female, average age 48 yrs, 90% white, 70% Christian /random sample
Examined the views regarding religion and spirituality in social work practice
Most frequent appropriate interventions: a) help clients consider ways their religious/spiritual support systems are helpful; b) use nonsectarian spiritual language or concepts; c) discuss role of spiritual or religious beliefs in relation to significant others; d) recommend participation in religious or spiritual support system or activity; e) help clients reflect on their beliefs about what happens after death; 1) help clients consider ways their religious/spiritual support systems are harmful; g) help clients consider the spiritual meaning and purpose of his/her current life situation. Least appropriate: a) healing touch; and b) participate in clients religious or spiritual rituals.
Religious and Spiritual Abuse and Neglect of Children and Youth
Derezotes 340 social workers (1995) from Idaho and Utah, 67% female, average age 42 yrs, 4% people of color, 76% were licensed / nonprobability sample
Examined views about religiosity, spirituality, and social work practice.
69% of respondents “agreed” or “strongly agreed” that spiritual abuse of children is a problem
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32
Table 1 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Joseph (1988) 57 MSW program field instructors (clinical practice) of a church-related social work school in Washington D.C. / 81% female, average age 41 yrs, 80% Caucasian / mailed survey / random sample
Views Regarding Formal Education
Joseph (1988)
Gilbert (2000)
Sheridan (2004)
57 MSW program field instructors (clinical practice) of a church-related social work school in Washington D.C. / 81% female, average age 41 yrs, 80% Caucasian / mailed survey / random sample
14 certified licensed practitioners / focus group format / grounded theory analysis / purposeful sampling
204 LCSWs from a mid-Atlantic state, 79% female, average age 50 yrs, 93% white, 66% private practice, 57% Christian / random sample
Central questions: Do social workers consider religious and spiritual issues part of clients’ situation? Do they explore and assess these issues as being relevant? Do they actively address these issues in treatment? Was religious and spiritual content a part of their professional preparation for social work practice?
Central questions: Do social workers consider religious and spiritual issues part of clients’ situation? Do they explore and assess these issues as being relevant? Do they actively address these issues in treatment? Was religious and spiritual content a part of their professional preparation for social work practice?
Three guiding questions
Instruments included: the Role of Religion and Spirituality in Practice (RRSP) and the Spiritually-Derived Interventions Checklist (SDIC)
30% reported religion was a source of “interest and curiosity” for preschool children. Some reported parents were concerned about institutional religion having an adverse effect on their child’s view of religion and God.
59% reported religious issues in professional training was considered “slightly or not at all important,” 66% reported religious issues should be included in graduate education (“very to somewhat important”)
Respondents expressed that it is important to include spirituality in group work curriculum
84% received little or no training in this area during their social work education, 48% reported to be somewhat or very dissatisfied with this. Over 1/2 had attended workshops on the subject in the last 5 yrs.
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33
Table 1 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Canda, Nakashima, & Furman (2004)
Handwritten comments to 3 open- ended questions from national study («=964, «=1,295, and n=l,398 / NASW practitioner members / constant comparative analysis
Three open-ended questions: a) importance of religious and spiritual issues in social work education, b) appropriateness of using religious and spiritually based interventions, and c) other issues related to the topic
Respondents reported education about the topic was inadequate. Majority supported the inclusion of religious and spiritual content in education mainly for reasons of human diversity, the impact it has on understanding human behavior and coping, and ethical practice and competency.
Derezotes & Evans (1995)
56 social workers from Utah and Idaho, 2/3 female, average 43 yrs, average 10 yrs experience, 50% Mormon / telephone interviews / themes identified and quantified / sample drawn from larger study
12 open-ended questions about the definition of spirituality and religion; relationship between personal spiritual growth and experiences and practice; diversity; and influence of societal spiritual emergence
Respondents reported formal education in this area was lacking, 57% stated that their own life process, spiritual growth and development helped prepare them; 16% reported own church or other religious organization helped prepare them. Course content should include: a) an overview of all religions; b) foster the spiritual development of the clinicians; c) explain “how to” work with clients’ spiritual issues; d) provide information about transpersonal casework; e) offer an open format of sharing among professionals of different disciplines in how they address these matters.
Sheridan, Bullis, Adcock, Berlin & Miller (1992)
328 licensed professional counselors, LCSWs, and clinical psychologist in Virginia, 57% female, 97% white, average age 43 yrs, 60% private practice / mailed survey / random proportionate sample
Examined attitudes and behaviors toward religion and spirituality in social work practice and education
83% reported that topic was never or rarely address in formal education, 38% had attended workshops or conferences on the subject.
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34
Table 1 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Sheridan & Bullis (1991)
159 licensed professional counselors, clinical social workers, and clinical psychologist in Virginia / drawn from a larger mailed survey / constant comparative analysis
Responses to one broad open-ended question about religion and spirituality in social work practice
38% thought topic should be presented more in graduate education: practitioners need to be aware of the spiritual dimension in regards to its importance to clients and the role it plays in the therapeutic process.
Furthermore, 90% of study participants reported that it was “very important” or
“important” to deal with value issues in relation to the client’s situation.
In addition, a portion of this study inquired about the role of religion and social
work practice when working with children and youth. Thirty percent of respondents
reported that religion was a source of “interest and curiosity” for preschool children. Many
respondents also reported that parents of young children often expressed wanting to talk
about the role of religion in their young children’s lives, with some parents expressing a
concern about institutional religion having an adverse affect on their child’s view about
religion and God. Last, one-third of respondents reported that, in their experience,
adolescence was a time that youth individualize their views about God and that they are
generally involved in religious activities.
Two studies measured practitioners’ views and opinion using the “Role of Religion
and Spirituality in Practice” (RRSP) scale (Sheridan, 2004; Sheridan, Bullis, Adcock,
Berlin & Miller, 1992). This scale has a possible range of 18 to 90 with higher scores
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35
indicating a more favorable view toward the role of religion and spirituality in social work
practice. The first study (Sheridan, Bullis, Adcock, Berlin & Miller, 1992) randomly
sampled licensed professional counselors, clinical social workers, and clinical
psychologists from Virginia, while the second study (Sheridan, 2004) randomly sampled
204 licensed clinical social workers from a mid-Atlantic state. The social work
respondents from both of the mailed surveys reported a generally favorable attitude toward
the role of religion and spirituality in social work practice. Reported average scores on the
RRSP scale were 75.02 and 72.72 respectively. Both studies reported that at least one-
third of clients bring religious and spiritual issues to the practice setting. In another
investigation, Sheridan & Bullis (1991) analyzed the first study’s 159 participant
comments to one broad open-ended question. Findings from this inquiry also suggested
that practitioners found spirituality and religion to be an important dimension in practice
with clients.
Derezotes (1995) also conducted a mail survey using non-probability sampling to
gather data from 340 social workers from Idaho and Utah. Sixty-three percent of the
respondents “agreed” or “strongly agreed” that every person has a spiritual dimension and
58% indicated that they “agreed” or “strongly agreed” that most problems have a spiritual
component. Along these lines, the vast majority of participants (81%) indicated that they
“agreed” or “strongly agreed” with the statement, “I consider spiritual issues in practice.”
From this study a second investigation was conducted with 56 respondents who agreed to
participate in more in-depth telephone interviews (Derezotes & Evans, 1995). Findings
from this investigation suggested that spirituality is an important issue for students and
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36
practitioners. Eighty-nine percent reported that spirituality was an important aspect of
social work practice, and 91% reported that clients bring up the issue of spirituality. Most
often the issue is about value conflicts, but clients also brought up spiritual and religious
issues during times of death, tragedy, or when there was a need to find meaning for life.
Spiritually-Sensitive Practice and Ethical Decision Making
Seven studies examined social workers’ views about guidelines and ethical
decision-making when addressing religion and spirituality in social work practice (Canda,
1988b; Canda & Furman, 1999; Canda, Nakashima, & Furman, 2004; Derezotes & Evans,
1995, Gilbert, 2000; Joseph, 1988; Sheridan & Bullis, 1991).
Five studies were qualitative inquiries (Canda, 1988b; Canda, Nakashima, &
Furman, 2004; Derezotes & Evans, 1995, Gilbert, 2000). The first examined the
handwritten comments to three open-ended questions (n = 964, n = 1,295, n = 1,398) from
a larger national survey of NASW members (Canda, Nakashima & Furman, 2004).
Respondents reported that religious and spiritually-based helping activities are appropriate
when it is: a) compatible with the client’s interests and goals; b) consistent with client’s
beliefs; c) corresponds with the timing of client’s growth and developmental needs; and is
e) within a relationship defined by respect, empathy, and mutual understanding. In
addition, it is essential that practitioners’ are self-aware, competent, and committed to
professional values such as self-determination (Canda, Nakashima, & Furman, 2004).
This is consistent with an earlier study by Canda (1988) who interviewed 18 social
workers who were considered “experts” in the area of spirituality and social work practice.
Findings from this study suggested that spirituality was both implicitly and explicitly a part
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37
of their social work practice. It influenced participants’ motivation, choices of theories,
helping style, and ability to be sensitive and respond to client’s spiritual issues.
Spiritually-sensitive practice was more explicit when client and social worker shared the
same beliefs. When they did not, spiritually-sensitive practice included being responsive
to client’s needs and beliefs without imposing their own. All participants expressed an
appreciation for diverse spiritual and religious points of view.
Derezotes and Evans (1995) conducted a similar inquiry using telephone interviews
of social workers from Idaho and Utah that has been previously described. Participants
from this study reported that in order to be religiously and spiritually-sensitive to clients,
practitioners should have an awareness of their own beliefs and biases, attend to their own
spiritual growth, not impose their beliefs on clients, and address spiritual matters when it is
client initiated.
The fourth qualitative study used purposive sampling to conduct focus groups with
14 licensed social workers who offered various types of group therapy (Gilbert, 2000).
Using grounded theory analysis, findings from this study suggested that when conducting
spiritually-sensitive group therapy, it is important that practitioners: a) conduct a spiritual
assessment of group members; b) validate the appropriateness of discussing spiritual
content; c) be aware of one’s own beliefs; d) monitor transference and counter
transference; e) promote respect for diversity among group members; f) create a safe
environment for discussion of spiritual and religious issues; g) recognize the usefulness of
personal and community spiritual supports; and h) collaborate with religious and spiritual
leaders.
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The fifth qualitative study to examine the ethical decision making of practitioners
was from Sheridan and Bullis (1991). Part of a larger mailed survey, this investigation
used constant comparative analysis to examine responses to the survey’s one broad open-
ended questions. Respondents expressed a variety of views about when, or if, to address
issues of religion or spirituality. Thirty-seven percent indicated that they only addressed
the subject when psychological or social issues relevant to religion and spirituality
presented themselves, 32% only addressed the topic after the client first mentions it, and
21% referred to other sources when needed.
Only two investigations used random sampling methods to examine social workers’
views about spiritually-sensitive practice and ethical issues when working with clients
(Canda & Furman, 1999; Joseph, 1988). Canda and Furman (1999) gathered data from
1069 members of NASW nation-wide. Fifty-two percent of respondents agreed that the
client should first express interest in discussing the subject, and only 35% agreed they
should introduce religion or spirituality using their own discretion. Similar findings were
reported by the investigation conducted by Joseph (1988), which has previously been
discussed. From this inquiry 45% of respondents reported that awareness of counter
transference was “very important” to “somewhat important” when addressing religiosity
with clients and 47% reported that it was “very important” or “important” to wait until
clients first bring up the issue before they address it.
Use of Religious and Spiritually —Based Interventions
Eight studies examined practitioners’ use of religious and spiritually-based
interventions (Canda & Furman, 1999; Canda, Nakashima & Furman, 2004; Derezotes,
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39
1995; Joseph, 1988; Mattison, Jayaratne & Croxton, 2000; Sheridan, 2004; Sheridan &
Bullis, 1991; Sheridan, Bullis, Adcock, Berlin & Miller, 1992). Two of these studies were
qualitative inquiries (Canda, Nakashima & Furman, 2004; Sheridan & Bullis, 1991). The
first of these inquiries by Canda, and colleagues (2004), examined the handwritten
comments to three open-ended questions (n = 964, n = 1,295, n = 1,398) from a large
national survey of NAS W members previously described. Overall, most participants were
supportive of spiritually-based helping activities and of assessment and information
gathering about the client’s religious and spiritual beliefs and support systems. The top
three appropriate interventions included: a) referrals or collaboration with spiritual and
religious leaders; b) use of prayer, mediation or visualization; and c) use of rituals and
symbols. However, it should be noted that while some participants deemed the use of
prayer appropriate, opinions on this were diverse and it was also the most opposed
intervention.
The second qualitative study also examined the written comments of 159
participants from a larger survey investigation (Sheridan & Bullis, 1991). Participants
from the larger study included licensed professional counselors, clinical social workers,
and clinical psychologists in Virginia. Respondents offered comments about appropriate
and inappropriate spiritual and religiously-based interventions. Examples of interventions
that were suggested to be appropriate were: a) using religious language or metaphors; b)
encouraging involvement in supportive religious or spiritual organizations; c) helping to
clarify religious or spiritual values; and d) identifying religious backgrounds and the
effects on client’s lives. Unacceptable interventions revolved around the issue of
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practitioners imposing their own beliefs on clients through self-disclosure and disagreeing
with or making recommendations about a client’s beliefs (Sheridan & Bullis, 1991).
The remaining six studies that examined practitioners’ use of religious and
spiritually-based interventions were quantitative in nature (Canda & Furman, 1999;
Derezotes, 1995; Joseph, 1988; Mattison, Jayaratne & Croxton, 2000; Sheridan, 2004;
Sheridan, Bullis, Adcock, Berlin & Miller, 1992). Five of these studies used probability
sampling methods to collect data from the following samples: 204 licensed social workers
from mid-Atlantic states (Sheridan, 2004); 1069 social work members of NAS W nation
wide (Canda & Furman, 1999); 329 licensed professional counselors, clinical social
workers, and clinical psychologists from Virginia (Sheridan, Bullis, Adcock, Berlin &
Miller, 1992); 57 MSW program field instructors associated with a church related school
in Washington D.C (Joseph, 1988); and 1,283 NASW member social workers in direct
practice (Mattison, Jayaratne & Croxton, 2000). The sixth investigation by Derezotes
(1995) used nonprobability sampling methods to illicit data from 340 social workers from
Idaho and Utah.
Findings from these studies suggest that most social workers find some religious
and spiritually-based helping activities to be appropriate when working with clients. From
these studies, the interventions that received some of the highest endorsements for being
appropriate included: a) help clients reflect on beliefs about loss or other difficult life
situations (Canda & Furman, 1999; Sheridan, 2004); b) help clients reflect on their beliefs
about what happens after death (Canda & Furman, 1999; Derezotes, 1995); c) help clients
clarify religious or spiritual values (Jospeph, 1988; Sheridan, Bullis, Adcock, Berlin &
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Miller, 1992); d) help clients consider ways religion or spirituality supports are helpful
(Canda & Furman, 1999; Sheridan, 2004); e) help clients consider ways that spiritual
beliefs or practices are helpful (Sheridan, 2004); f) help clients consider ways their
religious or spiritual support systems are harmful (Canda & Furman, 1999); g) gather
information on clients’ religious/spiritual backgrounds (Sheridan, 2004; Sheridan, Bullis,
Adcock, Berlin & Miller, 1992); h) discuss your religious beliefs with clients (Mattison,
Jayaratne & Croxton, 2000); i) refer clients to others for religious or spiritual counseling or
direction (Sheridan, 2004); j) collaborate with religious leaders (Jospeph, 1988); k) discuss
the role of beliefs in relation to significant others (Canda & Furman, 1999; Sheridan,
2004); 1) use nonsectarian spiritual language or concepts (Canda & Furman, 1999;
Sheridan, Bullis, Adcock, Berlin & Miller, 1992); m) recommend participation in religious
or spiritual support system or activity (Canda & Furman, 1999); n) and refer clients to 12-
step programs (Sheridan, Bullis, Adcock, Berlin & Miller, 1992).
Interventions that received lower rankings for being an appropriate intervention
were: a) the use of healing touch (Canda & Furman, 1999; Mattison, Jayaratne & Croxton,
2000; Sheridan, 2004); b) recommend a religious form of healing (Mattison, Jayaratne &
Croxton, 2000); c) participate in client’s religious or spiritual rituals (Canda & Furman,
1999; Sheridan, 2004); d) pray or meditate with a client (Mattison, Jayaratne & Croxton,
2000; Sheridan, Bullis, Adcock, Berlin & Miller, 1992); e) request that a client pray with
you (Mattison, Jayaratne & Croxton; f) recommend spiritual books, recommend that a
client join or leave a religion, or help a client see that God can be viewed as male or female
(Derezotes, 1995); g) disagree with client’s beliefs (Sheridan & Bullis, 1991); h) share,
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discuss, and impose one’s own beliefs on clients (Sheridan & Bullis, 1991; Derezotes,
1995); and i) ask about the client’s relationship with God (Joseph, 1988).
It should be noted that the investigation by Mattison, Jayaratne & Croxton (2000)
focused exclusively on the use of prayer when working with clients. Participants were
asked about the appropriateness and use of various prayer activities. Findings from this
study suggest that some prayer activities are more appropriate than others. The most
frequent type of prayer activity was use of the serenity prayer (33% had done at least once,
34% thought appropriate), followed by praying with a client at his or her request (23% had
done, 25% thought appropriate). Prayer activities that were ranked least appropriate have
been included in the previous listing of inappropriate inventions.
The investigations by Sheridan (2004) and Mattison, Jayaratne & Croxton (2000)
were the only investigations to examine the factors that predicted higher levels of
practitioners’ use of spiritually-based interventions. Findings from both studies revealed
that the increased use of religious or spiritually-based interventions was positively related
to the religiosity of the practitioner. Sheridan’s (2004) investigation also included the
following predictor items: a) a positive attitude toward the inclusion of religion and
spirituality in social work practice; b) a higher percentage of clients that present with
spiritual or religious issues; c) a higher percentage of clients who report that religion plays
a negative role in their lives; and d) practitioners’ higher level of participation in religious
or spiritual services (Sheridan, 2004).
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Religious and Spiritual Abuse and Neglect of Children and Youth
Only two investigations inquired about religious and spiritual abuse of children and
youth. The first study by Derezotes (1995) has previously been described. Findings from
this study reported that over two-thirds (69%) of social work practitioners “agreed” or
“strongly agreed” that spiritual abuse of children is a problem. Findings from the second
study (Joseph, 1988) reported that practitioners indicated that some parents expressed
concern about institutionalized religion having an adverse effect on their children’s view of
religion and God.
Views About Religion and Spiritually in Social Work Education
Seven inquiries investigated the opinions of social workers regarding their social
work education and training on the subject of spirituality and religiosity in social work
practice. Three were quantitative studies (Joseph, 1988; Sheridan, 2004; Sheridan, Bullis,
Adcock, Berlin & Miller, 1992) and four were qualitative (Canda, Nakashima, & Furman,
2004; Derezotes & Evans, 1995; Gilbert, 2000; Sheridan & Bullis, 1991). All have been
previously described. Findings from two quantitative investigations by Sheridan, Bullis,
Adcock, Berlin, & Miller (1992) and Sheridan (2004) reported that close to 83% of
respondents received little or no training on this subject during their formal education.
Flowever, 38% in the 1992 study and over 50% in the 2004 investigation reported to have
attended workshops or conferences on the subject within the last 5 years. Joseph (1988)
reported similar findings in that nearly 60% of participants indicated that religious issues
were not addressed during their formal education. However, 66% thought it was “very
important” or “somewhat important” to include in the curriculum content.
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The findings from the qualitative inquiries are consistent with these findings with
the vast majority of respondents reporting that their graduate education was inadequate in
providing content about this subject (Canda, Nakashima, & Furman, 2004; Derezotes &
Evans, 1995; Gilbert, 2000; Sheridan & Bullis, 1991). Participants from two of these
studies gave the following reasons for including religious and spiritual content in course
curriculum including: a) religion and spirituality are part of human diversity that has an
impact on human behavior and coping; b) content on religion and spirituality betters insure
ethical practice and competency (Canda, Nakashima & Furman, 2004); and c) content on
religion and spirituality increases the awareness of its importance to clients and the role it
plays in the therapeutic process (Sheridan & Bullis, 1991). Participants in Derezotes and
Evans’ (1995) investigation reported that their own life process, spiritual growth and
development, and religious affiliation helped prepare them in their work with clients in this
area. Furthermore, these same study participants suggested that courses should: a) include
an overview of all religions; b) foster the spiritual development of the clinicians, b) explain
“how to” work with client’s spiritual issues; c) provide information about transpersonal
casework; and d) offer an open forum of sharing among professionals of different
disciplines about how they address spiritual and religious issues.
In conclusion, findings from this review would suggest that overall social workers
have a generally positive attitude toward the role of religion and spiritually in social work
practice. Spiritually-sensitive practice, at a minimum, involves clinicians tending to their
own spiritual growth and development, becoming aware of their own biases, not imposing
their own beliefs onto their clients, and demonstrating an appreciation and respect for
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diverse beliefs and practices. The use of spiritually-based interventions is generally
accepted among most social workers, but this depends upon the type of intervention being
used. Interventions that are more explicit, and have the capacity to be intrusive, or are
contrary to the client’s right to self-determination seem to be less accepted as appropriate
interventions. All inquiries that investigated social worker’s educational experiences about
the subject found the majority of social workers had not received adequate content in this
area, but sought it post-graduation though conferences and workshops.
Theoretical Review of Religiosity and Children
This section of the literature review first describes the theoretical perspective of
resiliency and control theory and discusses how these theories contribute to our
understanding of religiosity as a protective factor for children and youth. Second, it will
review the empirical studies that investigate the relationships between religiosity and
various aspects of childhood functioning.
Resiliency Model
The resiliency model is a strength-based perspective of human behavior and
development. It attempts to answer, “How is it that some individuals are able to adapt,
adjust, and sometimes thrive in adverse and detrimental conditions while others are not?”
Like other strength-based perspectives, the resiliency model challenges us to look for
competencies and good functioning when circumstances indicate otherwise. In this way,
the resiliency model offers hope, for if we can learn from the exceptions we may be better
able to intervene in the process of maladaptation. Rutter (1979) best expresses the basic
principle that underlies the study of resilience:
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This neglect of positive influences on development means that we lack guides on
how to help deprived or disadvantaged children. It is all very well to wish for
children to have a stable, loving family which provides emotional support, social
stability, and cognitive stimulation. But we are almost never in a position to
provide that. All we can do is alleviate a little here, modify a little there, and talk to
the child about coming to terms with his problems. On the whole the benefits that
follow our therapeutic endeavors are pretty modest in the case of severely deprived
children. Would our result be better if we could determine the sources of social
competence and identify the nature of protective influences? I do not know, but I
think they would. The potential of prevention surely lies in increasing our
knowledge and understanding of the reasons why some children are not damaged
by deprivation (p. 49).
Resiliency is defined as a process by which people overcome adversity despite the
odds against them. Two main concepts of resiliency are risk and protection. The concept
of risk, as it is associated with health and medicine, stems from the science of
epidemiology (Garmezy, 1985). Risk factors are characteristics of the individual, family,
or environment that increase the probability of disorder, maladjustment, or some
undesirable condition. For example, Hawkin’s (1992) review of the literature lists the
following items as risk factors for adolescent and young adult substance use. Individual
risk factors include physiological characteristics, early and persistent problem behaviors,
aggressiveness in boys, hyperactivity, academic failure, and alienation and rebelliousness
to name a few. Family risk factors include family alcohol and drug behavior and attitudes,
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family conflict, low bonding to family, and poor inconsistent family management
practices. External risk factors include association with substance abusing peers, peer
rejection in elementary grades, extreme economic deprivation, and neighborhood
disorganization. In addition, characteristics that might be thought of as “societal” risk
factors include laws and norms favorable toward substance abusing behavior and
availability of drugs within society (Hawkins, 1992)
According to Kirby (1997) risk factors can be acute stressful life events such as
becoming pregnant, or being a victim of crime, and they can be ongoing chronic stressors
that are a part of every day living such as poverty or being teased at school. Further, Kirby
adds that the concept of risk is continually being refined to include risk processes, risk
chains, and effects of cumulative risk. These terms refer to how risk factors are often
synergistic, meaning that one risk factor may not be problematic, but several risk factors
occurring at the same time, or over a prolonged period of time, may have exponential
effects. These terms also refer to how risk factors can be catalysts to, or clustered with,
other highly related risk factors. For example, divorce for children can lead not only to the
loss of a parent in the home, but it can also lead to loss of income for the family, or a
change in residence that can lead to a change in schools and loss of established supportive
friendships.
Protective factors are those variables that mediate or moderate conditions that
would most likely result in a negative outcome. A review of the literature by Garmezy in
1985 and 1993 and Cowan and Work in 1988 report similar findings; namely, that there is
a broad triad of variables that function as protective factors for children. These three broad
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triad of variables are: (a) personal disposition of the child, such as high self-esteem,
sensitivity, social responsiveness to others, cooperativeness, activity level, intelligence, (b)
family characteristics that are cohesive, nonconflictual, warm, and supportive, and (c)
external supports outside the family that include adults who are available to reinforce
positive coping skills. Religion, for example, is generally thought of as an external support
that promotes positive coping. It is suggested that these protective factors appear to be
highly generalized, meaning that they are nonspecific and may function as protective
factors for a variety of different stressors (Masten & Garmezy, 1985). Further, like risk
factors, protective factors most likely have cumulative and additive effects (Kirby, 1997).
Resilience is thought to occur as an interplay between risk and protective factors,
but how this occurs is not clearly understood and is inconsistently defined in the literature:
the two models that are most often described are the additive model and the interactional
model (Kirby, 1997). The additive model asserts that risk factors directly increase and
protective factors directly decrease the likelihood of a negative outcome (i.e., exhibit main
effects). In other words, risk and protective factors are thought to balance each other out or
counteract each other. In addition, risk and protective factors can be seen as opposite ends
of a continuum. For example, a lack of external supports is a risk factor whereas an
extensive network of supportive friends or an adult role model is a protective factor (Kirby,
1997). Within the additive model, religion and religious participation are protective factors
that help balance out the negative effects of risk factors.
Unlike the additive model, protective factors in the interactive model are only
effective in the presence of risk and are said to have little effect on their own (i.e., mainly
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exhibit indirect mediating effects). With the interactive model, protective factors function
as a buffer that may absorb or fend off some of the detrimental effects of a risk factor,
interrupt the risk chain, or prevent the risk factor from transpiring in the first place (Kirby,
1997). In conceptualizing the interactive model, Rutter (1987) put forth that a variable in
itself is not what protects, it is the process, or mechanism, that makes the difference. Gore
(1994) elaborates how this is illustrated in situations where the protective factor’s ability to
protect depends upon the context of the situation that emphasizes the interactional nature
of person in the environment, (e.g., gender, age, culture) and includes the temporal issues
of time and development.
The resiliency model is critiqued by Masten, Best, and Garmezy (1990) who argue
that protective factors are more descriptive than explanatory, they only answer the “what”
about resilience. Therefore, they contend that the next step to further the model of
resilience needs to be answering the question, “how?” To this end, Rutter (1987)
elaborated upon the functions of protective factors to include what he calls four
developmental and situational mediating protective mechanisms that are a part of the
protective process.
First, a protective mechanism may reduce the impact of risk. This can occur in two
different ways: (a) it may alter the meaning of the risk for the child either through their
appraisal of the risk or through their cognitive processing, and (b) it may alter or minimize
the child’s exposure to the risk situation. Second, as already mentioned, a protective
mechanism may reduce the negative chain reactions that often accompany risk situations.
For example, the loss of a parent may not only be an emotional loss, but this experience
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may be compounded by a change in the routine of childcare, or may lead to
institutionalization. Protection may stem from the ability of the other parent or alternative
caregivers to fulfill emotional needs and maintain established childcare routines.
Third, a protective mechanism may establish and maintain self-esteem and self-
efficacy. This can occur by experiencing stable loving relationships, by accomplishing
tasks that are meaningful and worthwhile to the individual, and by experiencing success
during times of new life challenges (such as starting school, dating, or beginning a part
time job). Accomplishing tasks is defined broadly to include not only academic
accomplishments, but also social successes, taking on age appropriate responsibilities, or
achievements in side interests such as sports, music, artistic endeavors, or other hobbies.
Rutter (1987) explains that it is unclear whether it is the skill itself, the process of being
able to successfully deal with challenges that leads to confidence that challenges can be
met in the future (self-efficacy), or the feeling of self-worth that is gained by the positive
appraisal of others (self-esteem) that is important.
Rutter (1987) clarifies that within the interactive model, self-concepts such as self
esteem and self-efficacy are not fixed attributes of the individual; rather they fluctuate over
time and change depending upon life experiences. Therefore, in some cases, experiencing
success during times of new life challenges could be viewed as a turning point for a child
from a disadvantaged home. The fourth protective mechanism is the opening up of
opportunities. Rutter (1987) suggests that one of the best examples of this is the successful
completion of examinations that in turn can lead to additional protective circumstances
such as skilled employment or further education. Other opportunities that may function as
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protective mechanisms include geographical relocations, delaying marriage and pregnancy,
and for some entering the armed services.
How does religion and religious participation function as a protective mechanism?
The resiliency model offers little guidance about “how” a particular protective factor may
protect an individual from negative conditions and this may be especially true of religion
and religious participation. It is noted that although religion, or the role of the church, is
found to be a protective factor in many studies, it has not received systematic examination
like other protective factors (Masten, et al., 1990). However, it is possible to hypothesize
how religious beliefs and religious participation could function as a protective mechanism
in each of the four categories previously outlined.
First, religious beliefs may reduce the impact of risk by altering the meaning of
risk by providing useful interpretations to suffering or tragic life events that often include
messages of hope. Religious beliefs may also provide support through positive
identification with religious figures that have also suffered and prevailed. Routine church
attendance may offer a reprieve from conflict in the home and thus help minimize the
exposure to risk. After school church programs also minimize exposure to risk by
providing social and educational activities in a safe environment away from the dangers
often found in some inner-city neighborhoods. In addition, most religious beliefs offer
guides for right and wrong behavior, that if not followed, often have social repercussions
or consequences that are enforced by society. Abiding by these codes of conduct
minimizes the child’s exposure to risk or negative outcomes. For example, many religious
teachings discourage abuse of the body, lying, stealing, and sexual involvement outside of
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marriage. All have a negative consequence of poor health, possible incarceration, or
unwanted pregnancy.
Second, religious groups offer a network of supports that may help reduce the
negative chain reactions that often accompany many risk factors. This support could be in
the form of financial assistance or food for the family in times of crisis. However, it could
also mean that other caring adults from the religious community step in to help ensure the
continuity and routine of regular attendance at church activities for youth whose parent(s)
for whatever reason are no longer able to provide transportation. Religious communities
may also reduce the negative chain reactions of risk factors by offering supportive adult
role models that otherwise may be lacking in the child’s life.
Third, involvement in a religious community may establish and maintain self
esteem and self efficacy and thus reduce the impact of risk by providing stable loving
relationships with caring adults, role models, or through a positive personal relationship
with a higher power. Along these lines, religion can also provide a youth with a sense of
attachment and belonging to a group or community and a sense of identity and place in the
world. A child’s sense of self-efficacy may grow as he or she successfully participates in
religious activities and accomplishes tasks that are meaningful, such as singing in the
church choir, serving as an alter boy, participating in community service programs, or
holding a position of responsibility within the religious community. Involvement in these
activities may not only give children a sense of being useful to others, but also of serving a
higher power. Religious groups often help support, guide, and give meaning to the
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transitions or turning points in life such as birth, death, marriage, and rites of passage that
acknowledge young adulthood.
Fourth, participation in a religious community can also facilitate the opening up of
opportunities. For example, religious communities offer a network of supports that could
help a youth find her or his first job. As previously mentioned the religious beliefs that
proscribe behavior about sexual intimacy may help a youth delay pregnancy, which as
Rutter (1987) indicates opens up opportunities by not restricting them.
In summary, resiliency is a strength-based perspective that attempts to identify
those factors and mechanisms that offer protection from conditions that result in a negative
outcome. Two notes of caution are advised with respect to the resiliency model. First,
Rutter (1979) reminds us that it is important to keep in mind that resilience does not mean
uneffected or unharmed by the negative experiences that children and adults have endured.
While well adjusted, many of the individuals often exhibit signs of insecurities or
defensive barriers. Invulnerability, the ability to overcome adversity, and resiliency are all
relative terms that do not mean that no disorders or difficulties are present. Second,
Garmezy (1994) warned that there is an element of journalistic drama to the concept of
resilience that needs to be addressed. The concept of risk, he says, “.. .has its base in
epidemiology; resilience has its base in drama. The drama is that of the ‘American
Dream,’ the Horatio Alger legend – the mistaken view that any and all could succeed were
they to work hard” (p. 13). He continues that this mistaken viewpoint needs to be rejected,
for if the concept of resiliency is to move forward, it must be based in research.
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Control Theory
Resiliency is an overarching model that currently offers mainly descriptive
information about the risk and protective factors that contribute to or ameliorate
dysfunction. Proponents of this model have only begun to develop an understanding about
the processes or mechanisms that promote resiliency, and therefore, it seems that within
the resiliency model, other theories could be included to further explain how a protective
factor might function. For example, control theory is commonly referred to in the
literature as an explanation for delinquent behavior and it may further explain how
religiosity operates as a protective factor that guards against substance use and delinquency
in particular.
Control theory assumes human nature is inherently deviant (Hirschi, 1969), asocial,
or evil (Zastrow & Kirst-Ashman, 1997). Hirschi introduced control theory in 1969 when
he described, “In control theories, the Hobbesian question has never been adequately
answered. The question remains, ‘Why do men obey the rules of society?’ Deviance is
taken for granted; conformity must be explained” (p. 10). In other words, control theorists
are not concerned about what motivates deviance, they want to know what controls man
from being even more deviant than he already is (Hirschi, 1969).
In describing control theory, Hirschi (1969) proposes that persons are bonded to
society and when these bonds are weakened or broken there is an increased likelihood for
deviant behavior. A person bonds to society through attachment, commitment,
involvement, and beliefs. Attachment refers to the bond that a person has to others. In so
much as a person respects and cares for others he or she will act in accordance to their
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wishes and expectations. This bond to others extends beyond individual family members
and friends to include acting in accordance to the wishes and expectations of conventional
society. Commitment refers to the commitment to a conventional line of action.
Specifically, it refers to the time and energy that a person spends building a desirable life
by obtaining things such as a positive reputation, a supportive family, a satisfying career,
or a profitable business. It is the fear of losing these things, or losing the potential to have
these things, that prevents deviant behavior. Involvement refers to the notion that people
are too involved in conventionally accepted activities and, therefore, lack the opportunity
to act upon their inclinations to be deviant. Hirschi states that this rationale is often used to
stress the importance of youth recreational programs, or to draft boys into the army. The
bond of beliefs first assumes there is a common or single value system to which a person is
socialized. Delinquency is accounted for by the variations in which people believe they
should obey and conform to the rules of the group or society to which they belong. The
more someone believes in the common values and gives moral validity to them, the less
likely they will engage in delinquent behavior.
It could be argued that religiosity plays a role in more than one or even all of the
bonding mechanisms. For example, the bond of commitment could be strengthened by
one’s fear of losing a virtuous reputation or position of status that has been obtained
through years of participating in and contributing to a religious community. Also, it is
possible that the bond of attachment could apply not only to family and friends, but could
include attachment to a God or a higher power. However, throughout the literature,
religion is theorized to contribute to the bond of belief. Durkhiem proposed that religion
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expresses and reinforces the unified social beliefs of society regarding what is sacred and
what is profane (cited in Farganis, 2000). Therefore, when empirical studies test control
theory and its ability to explain deviant behavior among youth, religion is typically
hypothesized to have a direct relationship (Benda & Corwyn, 1997a; Benda & Corwyn,
1997b; Benda & Corwyn, 2000a; Benda & Corwyn, 2000b; Benda & Whiteside, 1995;
Corwyn, Benda, & Ballard, 1997) or reciprocal relationship (Benda, 1997; Benda &
Corwyn, 1997a; Benda & Corwyn, 2000a; Johnson, Jang, Larson, & De Li, 2001) with
delinquency.
When delinquency has a negative effect on religiosity, it is believed that this is due
to cognitive dissidence, a theory developed by Festinger (1957). Basically, it is thought
that engaging in delinquent behavior is contrary to religious beliefs and therefore, creates
internal conflict. In order to relieve this angst and maintain some type of consistency
between beliefs and behavior, the youth either changes his or her attitude toward religious
beliefs and commitment or changes his or her behavior.
Within the literature, there are three different elaborations of control theory that
attempt to clarify and account for inconsistencies in the relationship between religion and
various forms of delinquency. These are referred to as the antiasceticism hypothesis,
proscriptiveness hypothesis, and the Stark effect or community context.
Antiacetism Hypothesis
The antiasceticism hypothesis proposes that the relationship between religiosity and
delinquency is dependent upon the type of delinquent behavior. It is argued that religion
will more likely make a difference in behaviors that are not clearly defined as immoral in
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secular society. For example, religiosity will have a greater impact upon behaviors such as
alcohol use, marijuana use, and status offences among youth than it will against behaviors
that are already sanctioned as immoral by society such as crimes against people or property
(Burkett & White, 1974; Cochran & Akers, 1989; Middleton & Putney, 1962).
Proscriptiveness Hypothesis
The second variation, used to account for inconsistencies in religiosity’s effect on
deviant behavior, is the notion that religious groups vary in their proscriptiveness toward
certain behaviors such as alcohol use and sexual behavior. Therefore, religiosity’s ability
to impact these behaviors will depend upon the proscriptive nature of the religion. It is
generally believed that proscriptive religious groups are more likely to have an impact on
alcohol and sexual behavior than nonproscriptive religious groups (Cochran & Akers,
1989; Kutter & McDermott, 1997; Schlegel & Sanborn, 1979).
Religious Community Context or Stark Effect
Stark (1982, 1996) argues that the effect of religiosity on delinquent or criminal
behavior is largely due to “ecological conditions,” meaning that it is due to the religious
context of the community of which one is a part.
.. .what counts is not only whether a particular person is religious, but whether this
religiousness is, or is not, ratified by the social environment. The idea here is that
religion is empowered to produce conformity to the norms only as it is sustained
through interaction and is accepted by the majority as a valid basis for action.
(Stark, 1996, p. 164)
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Religion is most importantly to be thought of as a social structure, or group
property, and not an individual trait (Stark, 1996). Further, Stark, Kent, and Doyle (1982)
argue that in settings where religion is not pervasive, such as in secularized communities,
an individual’s religious commitment and daily expression will be curtailed and
compartmentalized. Put another way, variations in individual religiousness will influence
delinquency only in communities that are religious. Bainbridge (1992) refers to this as the
“Stark effect,” a debate that started with Stark’s influential landmark study in 1969 that
found no difference in the frequency of delinquency among youth who attended church
once a week and those who only rarely or did not attend at all. Thus, it was asserted it was
not religiosity that influenced moral behavior.
Religiosity and Childhood Functioning: Empirical Review
Fifty contributions were located that empirically investigated religiosity and
various aspects of childhood functioning. These aspects of functioning include overall
well-being and coping, depression, self-esteem, educational attainment, substance use,
delinquency, and sexual behavior. A summary of the sample, methods, measurement
tools, and findings for each study is included in Table 2. Several of these studies appear
more than once in the following discussion and table, as they involved simultaneous
investigation of more than one variable.
Well-being and Coping
This section will present the empirical research that addresses the relationship
between religiosity and overall well-being and coping. The articles in this section are
varied since the term “well-being” is broadly defined to encompass several aspects of
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childhood functioning, including health-related behaviors, psychosocial functioning,
depression, self-esteem, educational performance, and identity development. The term
“coping” refers to the successful navigation of life’s difficulties such as parent’s divorce
and homelessness. In addition, several studies look at the supportive role of religiosity that
may be unique in the lives of youth that are African American or from other ethnic
backgrounds. A total of twenty-two studies were located that fell into one or more of
these categories (see Table 2).
Health-Related Behavior
One study by Jessor, Turbin and Costa (1998) investigated the relationship between
distal and proximal protective factors on health-related behavior. Using cross sectional
analysis of a longitudinal study, researchers collected data from 1,493 Hispanic,
Caucasian, and African American adolescents equally distributed across grades 10 through
12. Frequent church attendance was one of the psychosocial distal protective factors that
was positively related to health enhancing behaviors, including the healthy habits of diet,
exercise, sleep, dental care, and seatbelt use. Findings were replicated and appeared
consistent with analysis of earlier waves of data and with an independent sample.
Psychosocial Functioning
Two studies examined the influence of religiosity on psychosocial functioning
(Mosher & Handal, 1997; Rednick, Harris, & Blum, 1993). The first study by Mosher and
Handal (1997) used nonprobability sampling to collect data from 461 students who
attended one of three private Catholic high schools, grades 9 through 12. Most participants
were Caucasian males. Youth with low religiosity scores were statistically more likely to
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Table 2.
Overview of Religiosity Studies
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Well-being & Coping
Health-Related Behavior
lessor, Trubin & Costa (1998)
1,493 adolescents / cross section of longitudinal study / questionnaire / probability sampling.
Psychosocial Functioning
Mosher & Handal (1997)
Rednick, Harris & Blum (1993)
Depression
Benda & Corwyn (1997a)
Wright, Frost & Wisecarver (1993)
1093 students equally distributed across grades 9-12 / random sampling
451 high school students / questionnaire / nonrandom sampling
Religious salience and church attendance
461 private Catholic high school students; 73% male; 91% Caucasian / questionnaire / nonprobability sampling
36,254 students; grades 7-12; from Minnesota Adolescent Health Database / questionnaire / stratified multistage sampling
Personal Religiosity Inventory by Lipsmeyer (1984) / Langner Symptom Survey / General Health Questionnaire / Brief Symptom Inventory / Life Satisfaction Questionnaire
Religiosity: participants who defined themselves as spiritual or religious individuals
Church attendance sig. positively correlated with health behaviors
Psychological stress sig. higher among nonreligious youth than religious youth. Many of the nonreligious youth had scores that suggest need for outpatient services
Religiosity sig. correlated as protective against acting out and quietly disturbed behaviors for females and acting out behaviors for males
Multi-dimensional religiosity instrument adopted from Woodroof (1985)
Religious attendance, adapted items from Extrinsic-Intrinsic Religiousness Orientation Scale (Alport & Ross, 1968), Beck Depression Inventory (Ceck et al., 1961)
Religiosity not a predictor of suicidal thoughts, but suicidal thoughts sig. decreased religiosity
Youth who frequently attended church or found religion meaningful had sig. less depression than youth who infrequently attended church or did not find religion meaningful
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Table 2 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Maton, Teti, Corns, Vieria- Baker, Lavine, Gouze & Keating (1996)
Sorenson, Grindstaff & Turner (1995)
102 pregnant adolescents / questionnaires / purposive sampling
33 married and 228 unmarried adolescents mothers / purposive sampling
Spiritual support: experience God’s love, personal relationship with God, & faith helps me cope. Brief Symptom Inventory (Derogatis & Spencer, 1982), Self Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1979)
Religiosity: religious affiliation, church participation & selfdescribed religiosity. Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (Radloff, 1977). Provisions of Social Relations Scale (Turner etal. 1983)
Pregnant African American adolescents had significantly higher levels of spiritual support than pregnant Caucasian adolescents, but this was not related to depression for either group
Religiosity had no sig. association with depression among married mothers. Among unmarried mothers, low church participation was sig. associated with lower depression regardless of religious affiliation. High church participation was sig. associated with higher levels of depression among conservative faiths. Church participation was also sig. positively associated with depression among unmarried mother’s who cohabitated
Self-Esteem
Maton, Teti, Corns, Vieria- Baker, Lavine, Gouze & Keating (1996)
Jones & Francis (1996)
102 pregnant adolescents / questionnaires / purposive sampling
Three studies: 642 eleventh graders; 755 ninth graders; 166 fourth, fifth, and six grade students / questionnaire / nonprobability sampling
Spiritual support: experience God’s love, personal relationship with God, & faith helps me cope. Brief Symptom Inventory (Derogatis & Spencer, 1982), Self Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1979)
Francis Scale of Attitude Toward Christianity (Francis, 1978), Lipsitt Self-Concept Scale (1958), Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory (1995)
African American pregnant adolescents had significantly higher levels of spiritual support than pregnant Caucasian adolescents, but this was not related to self-esteem for either group
All three studies had a sig. positive relationship between attitude toward Christianity and self-esteem
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Table 2 (continued).
Author (s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Markstrom (1999)
125 eleventh grade African American and Caucasian students from low income families / questionnaire / nonprobability sampling
Religious attendance, participation in Bible study, & participation in a church youth group. Psychosocial Inventory of Ego Strength (Markstrom, et al., 1997); Extended Objective Measure of Ego Identity (Adams et al., 1989); Multigroup Identity Measure (Phinney, 1992); Selfesteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965); Coopersmith Self-esteem Inventory – School Subscale (Coopersmith, 1967, 1981)
Religiosity was not sig. related to self-esteem
Educational Performance
Markstrom (1999)
125 eleventh grade African American & Caucasian students from low income families / questionnaire / nonprobability sampling
Religious attendance, participation in Bible study, participation in a church youth group. Psychosocial Inventory of Ego Strength (Markstrom, et al., 1997); Extended Objective Measure of Ego Identity (Adams et al., 1989); Multigroup Identity Measure (Phinney, 1992); Selfesteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965); Coopersmith Self-esteem Inventory – School Subscale (Coopersmith, 1967, 1981)
Religiosity sig. related to school self-esteem
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Table 2 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Dai (1996) 13,530 high school seniors; 86% Caucasian / national survey, Monitoring the Future, a Continuing Study of the Lifestyles and Values 1989
Religious attendance Religious attendance was sig. positively related to plans for educational attainment
Brown & Gary (1991)
532 African Americans, 18-45 years old / questionnaire / multistage cluster sampling
Identity Development
Markstrom (1999)
125 eleventh grade students; 50% African Americans; 50% European Americans; low income families / questionnaire / purposive sampling
Religious beliefs learned when young
The item “religious beliefs learned when I was young still help me” was positively associated with educational attainment
Religious involvement: religious attendance, participation in Bible study, & participation in a church youth group. Psychosocial Inventory of Ego Strength (Markstrom, et al., 1997); Extended Objective Measure of Ego Identity (Adams et al., 1989); Multigroup Identity Measure (Phinney, 1992); Selfesteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965); Coopersmith Self-esteem Inventory – School Subscale (Coopersmith, 1967, 1981)
Religiosity sig. positively associated with Erickson’s ego strengths of hope, free will, purpose, fidelity, love, and care. Being more religiously involved sig. associated with higher ethnic identity. Youth group participation sig. associated with affirmation and belonging
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Table 2 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Glover (1996)
Mosher & Handal (1997)
147 individuals, grouped by age; 14-17 yrs old, 18-25 yrs old; and 26-30 yrs old. Mostly Caucasian; middle upper class; 46% fundamental, 27% moderate; 27% liberal religious groups / questionnaire / nonprobability sampling
461 students from private Catholic high school; grades 9-12; 73% male; 91% Caucasian; 89% Catholic; most middle to upper middle class / questionnaire / nonprobability sampling
Scale of Religiosity (GLASR-R) by Gladding etal. (1981)
Personal Religiosity Inventory (PRI) developed by Lipsmeyer (1984) a multidimensional instrument. Psychological distress measured by: Langner Symptom Survey (LSS), General Health Questionnaire (GHQ), Brief Symptom Inventory (BSI or GSI), Life Satisfaction Questionnaire
Religiosity was sig. lower among 14-17 yr olds than the two other older groups
Freshmen were sig. more religious than seniors. There was a general trend of declining religiosity as youth progressed through school.
Benda & Corwyn (2000)
Coping
Shortz & Worthington (1994)
1, 093 students, grades 9-12 / self report questionnaire / random sampling
131 undergraduate students / retrospective recall of parent’s divorce during adolescence / convenience sampling
Multi-dimensional religiosity instrument adopted from Woodroof (1985)
Religious salience & church attendance. Religious Coping Activities Scale (Pargament et al, 1990), Nonreligious Coping Scale (adapted by Paragement, et al, 1990)
Reciprocal effects of illicit drug use on religion were found only among older youth
Religiosity & religious causal attributions sig. predicted use of religious coping activities and strategies
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Table 2 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Lindsey, Kurtz, Jarvis, Williams & Nackerad (2000).
12 previous runaway & homeless adolescents who made successful transition to adulthood / semistructured interviews / qualitative analysis / purposive sampling
Although concepts of spirituality and its intervening effects were varied, over half of the participants reported spirituality, or a belief in God or a higher power, as an important dimension that contributed to their successful transition into adulthood
Ethnicity, Coping, and Religiosity
Brega & 50 African Americans; Coleman 10th & 11th grade / (1999) interview & questionnaire / random sampling
Religiosity: degree that youth would attend church if choice was entirely theirs. Subjective Stigmatization Scale (Coleman at al., 1990)
Youth with high levels of religiosity were sig. less likely to internalize society’s negative devaluing of African Americans than youth who reported low levels of religiosity
Haight (1998) African American children, 3-16 yrs old / ethnographic study 1991-1995 a First Baptist Church / purposive sampling
Church is a safe haven where caring adults nurture children and youth and teach them about their heritage. Spirituality is seen as a protective lifeline that provides healthy ways of coping
Cook (2000) 16 church involved & 16 nonchurch involved innercity adolescents / interviews & questionnaire / purposive sampling
Church involved youth attended church at least lx a week & had one other means of involvement. Live Events Checklist (Johnson & McCutcheon, 1980); Youth Self Report (Auchenbach, 1991)
Church involved youth had sig. more stability in their lives and showed patterns of not externalizing problems, employment, and residing with biological parents than nonchurch involved youth. Although not sig., church provided mentorship, self-regulation, identity, community, activities, relationship with God.
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Table 2 (continued).
Author (s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Substance Use
Control Theory
Benda (1995)
Benda (1997)
Benda & Corwyn (1997a)
Corwyn, Benda & Ballard (1997)
Benda & Corwyn (2000)
1,093 students evenly distributed across grades 9-12; 42% Baptist / random sampling
1,093 students evenly distributed across grades 9-12; 42% Baptist / random sample
1.093 students equally distributed across grades 9-12 / random sample
1.093 public high school students, grades 9-12; 42% Baptist/ random sample
1,093 students grades 9-12 / self report questionnaire / random sampling
Multi-dimensional religiosity questionnaire adopted from Woodroof (1985). Community context compared Baltimore MD, Little Rock Arkansas, & rural Arkansas communities
Multi-dimensional religiosity instrument adopted from Woodroof (1985)
Multi-dimensional religiosity instrument adopted from Woodroof (1985)
Multi-dimensional religiosity instrument adopted from Woodroof (1985).
Multi-dimensional religiosity instrument adopted from Woodroof (1985)
Religiosity had a modest effect on antiscetic behavior of alcohol use but not on amphetamines or marijuana use. Elements of bonding further reduced religiosity’s affect on antiscetic behavior and marijuana use was no longer significant.
Religiosity indirectly sig. reduces alcohol use. Alcohol use sig. reduces religiosity. Religiosity has sig. reciprocal relationship to marijuana, amphetamines, barbiturates, cocaine, and opiates
Religiosity indirectly sig. reduces alcohol use and marijuana. Alcohol use and marijuana sig. reduces religiosity
Religiosity indirectly sig. reduces alcohol use and marijuana. Alcohol use and marijuana sig. reduces religiosity. Religiosity has sig. reciprocal relationship to marijuana, amphetamines, barbiturates, cocaine, & opiates
Religiosity had a sig. direct negative effect on illicit drug use for all ages & gender. Reciprocal effects of illicit drug use on religion were found only among older youth & among females
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Table 2 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Antiascetism Hypothesis
Cochran & Akers (1989)
Benda (1995)
3,065 adolescents, grade 7-12, from three Midwestern states / two-stage sampling design (Boy’s Town Data)
1093 students evenly distributed across grades 9-12; 42% Baptist / random sample
Religious commitment: self-described religiousness, participatory salience, & personal asceticism. Religious context: percent per school district who reported they are “quite religious”
Multi-dimensional religiosity questionnaire adopted from Woodroof (1985). Community context compared Baltimore MD, Little Rock Arkansas, & rural Arkansas communities
Religiosity had a sig. modest to weak negative relationship on antiascetic behaviors of alcohol & marijuana use
Failed to find convincing evidence for antiasceticism hypothesis. Religiosity not sig. related to crimes against persons and modestly related to property crimes. Religiosity was not related to amphetamine use and modestly related to status offenses, marijuana & alcohol use.
Denominational Proscriptiveness
Amey, Albrecht & Miller (1996)
Stark (1996)
11,728 high school seniors, 84% Caucasian / national survey, Monitoring the Future: A Continuing Study of Values and Lifestyles of Youth
11,995 high school seniors / national survey, The Study of High School and Beyond
Religiosity: religious affiliation, importance of religion, frequency of religious attendance
Religious commitment: church attendance. Regions of religiousness (religious context): percent of population that belong to church or report to have no religion
Religious affiliation (proscriptiveness) found to be related to all types of drug use among Caucasian youth but unrelated to any type of drug use among African American youth
Regardless of religious context, across the country there is a strong negative correlation between weekly church attendance and alcohol use among Protestants, but not among Catholics. The same is true for marijuana use for both religious affiliations, but the finding is slightly weaker among Catholics
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Table 2 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Miller, Davies & Greenwald (2000)
Cochran & Akers (1989)
Kutter & McDermott (1997)
676 youth; 15-19 yrs old; 65% Caucasian / face to face interviews in the home / National Comorbidity Study (NCS)
3,065 adolescents; grade 7 – 12 / two- stage sampling design of three Midwestern states (Boy’s Town Data)
238 youth; 13-17 yrs old; all Caucasian and Protestant / questionnaire / convenience sampling
Multidimensional religiosity instrument based on Kendal, et al (1997). Three factors developed: Personal Devotion, Personal Conservatism and Institutional Conservatism. Institutional conservatism based on the scale developed by the Institute for Social Research. Diagnosis based on World Health Organization Composite International Diagnostic Interview – CDIC (World health Organization, 1990)
Religious commitment: self-described religiousness, participatory salience, & personal ascetism. Religious context: percent per school district who reported they are “quite religious”
Three religiosity variables: involvement in church activities, importance placed on church activities, messages received from the church regarding use of alcohol & other drugs (nonproscriptive v. proscriptive)
All three factors of religiosity were inversely related to the frequency of alcohol use. Personal devotion and institutional conservatism (proscriptiveness) was inversely related to use of marijuana & cocaine and to substance dependence or use. Further, there is some suggestion that the association between religiosity and substance dependence is nearly twice as great for adolescents as it is for adults
Highly religious youth from proscriptive denominations are sig. less likely to drink than youth with highly religious beliefs from nonproscriptive religious denominations
Religious proscriptiveness had an interactive effect upon adolescent alcohol & drug use. Proscriptiveness increased binge drinking among those who do consume alcohol, but also was related to lower use of ever using alcohol. Proscriptiveness also increased the inverse relationship between religious involvement & alcohol and drug use, and the importance of religious activities & drug use
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Table 2 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Hypothesis of Religious Community Context / Stark Effect
Benda (1995) 1093 students evenly distributed across grades 9-12; 42% Baptist / random sample
Multi-dimensional religiosity questionnaire adopted from Woodroof (1985). Community context compared Baltimore MD, Little Rock Arkansas, and rural Arkansas communities
Few interaction affects between religiosity and community context were sig., those that were accounted for less than 1% of the variance
Cochran & Akers (1989)
Stark (1996)
3,065 adolescents, grade 7 – 12, from three Midwestern states, two-stage sampling design (Boy’s Town Data)
11,995 high school seniors / national survey, The Study of High School and Beyond
Religious commitment: self-described religiousness, participatory salience, & personal asceticism. Religious context: percent per school district who reported they are “quite religious”
Religious commitment: church attendance. Regions of religiousness (religious context): percent of population that belong to church or report to have no religion
Marginal mixed and unconvincing support for religious context hypothesis & the integrated model of community context and proscriptiveness
Religious context across the country does not affect the relationship between religiosity & drug use
African American Youth
Belgrave, Townsend, Cherry & Cunningham (1997)
Convenience sample of 189 students, 8 ‘A to 13 yrs old, all African Americans from inner- city public schools / questionnaire
Spirituality measured by attendance to religious or spiritual services & frequency that religious topics are discussed at home
Spirituality was one of two predictive variables. Children who attended religious services & whose families discussed religious topics reported more knowledge about harmfulness of drugs and less drug use
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Table 2 (continued).
Author (s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Zimmerman & Maton (1992)
Amey, Albrecht & Miller (1996)
218 African American male adolescents; average age 17 yrs; 70% left school before graduation / 90 minute structured interviews that included open-ended questions / cluster analysis / mixed sampling methods
11,728 high school seniors; 84% Caucasian / national survey, Monitoring the Future: A Continuing Study of Values and Lifestyles of Youth
Spirituality defined by three questions regarding a personal relationship with God. Cluster analysis determined five lifestyle behaviors (delinquent, church attending, uninvolved, school attending, and employed) / analyzed by frequency of drug use
Religiosity: religious affiliation, importance of religion, & frequency of religious attendance
Except for youth who attended school, youth who attended church were least likely to use alcohol & marijuana. Except for youth who attended school and youth who were employed, youth who attend church were also least likely to use hard drugs
Differences in all three areas of religion exist between African American & Caucasian youth. For Caucasian youth, all three measures of religiosity were sig. related to all types of drug use. For African Americans, findings are varied and mixed. For example: none of the religiosity measures were sig. related to illegal drug use; religious affiliation had no impact on any type of drug use; only religious attendance was sig. related to cigarette use; and only religious importance and attendance sig. impacted alcohol & marijuana use
Other Studies
Yarnold & Patterson (1998)
458 students; grades 7- 12; 49% Hispanic; 31% African American; 14% Caucasian; 6.1% other / questionnaire based on items from national survey, Monitoring the Future: A Continuing Study of the Lifestyles and Values of Youth / random sampling
Religiosity: importance of religion
Three factors related to decreased likelihood of marijuana use: being a good student, religion was important, and fathers resided with them
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Table 2 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Yamold (1999)
Albrecht, Amey & Miller (1996)
829 students; grades 7- 12; 49% Hispanic; 31% African American; 14% Caucasian; 6% other / questionnaire based on items from national survey, Monitoring the Future: A Continuing Study of the Lifestyles and Values of Youth / multistage cluster probability sampling
12,168 high school seniors; 84% Caucasian / data from national survey, Monitoring the Future: A Continuing Study of Values and Lifestyles of Youth
Religiosity: importance of religion
Religiosity: religious attendance
Youth who rated religion was important in their lives were slightly less likely to use cigarettes, but was not statistically significant
Church attendance is sig. negatively related to all types of drug use
Delinquency and Criminal Behavior
Control Theory
Benda(1995) 1093 students evenly distributed across grades 9-12; 42% Baptist / random sampling
Multi-dimensional religiosity questionnaire adopted from Woodroof (1985). Community context defined by geography of Baltimore MD, Little Rock Arkansas, and rural Arkansas communities
Including elements of demographic & control theory increased religiosity’s affect on crime particularly crime against persons
Benda(1997)
Benda & Corwyn (1997a)
1093 students evenly distributed across grades 9-12 / random sampling
1093 students equally distributed across grades 9-12 / random sampling
Multi-dimensional religiosity instrument adopted from Woodroof (1985)
Multi-dimensional religiosity instrument adopted from Woodroof (1985)
Religiosity had a sig. direct, indirect inverse, and reciprocal relationship to crime. A sig. reciprocal relationship to crime was also found
Religiosity had a sig. direct and indirect inverse relationship to crime. A sig. reciprocal relationship to crime was also found
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Table 2 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Benda & Whiteside (1995)
Johnson, Jang, Larson & Deli (2001)
1,093 public high school students, evenly distributed across grades 9-12. 42% Baptist / random sampling
1,305 youth; ages 11 to 17 / based on three waves of the National Youth Survey (NYS) / longitudinal probability sampling
Evans, Cullen, 263 students; grades Burton, 10-12; 86% Dunaway, Caucasian; 85% Payne & middle – upper-middle Kethineni class / questionnaire / (1996) convenience sampling
Antiascetism Hypothesis
Multi-dimensional religiosity instrument adopted from Woodroof (1985)
Religiosity: frequency of attending religious services, time spent on community-based religious activities, importance of religion, importance of community based religious activities
Multi-dimensional measure of religiosity. Religious context and moral community: religiousness of five closest friends
Religiosity and parental attachment had a positive co-variant relationship. Both of these had a positive association with conventional beliefs, which had a negative relationship to delinquency and differential association to delinquent peers
At all three waves, religiosity had a direct and indirect sig. negative effect on delinquency. Partial support was found for the reciprocal effects of religiosity
Effects of religiosity were muted after controlling for secular bonds of family, school, and peers. Thus, it was concluded religiosity did not directly inhibit general delinquency
Benda(1995) 1093 students evenly distributed across grades 9-12; 42% Baptist / random sampling
Multi-dimensional religiosity questionnaire adopted from Woodroof (1985). Community context defined by geography of Baltimore MD, Little Rock Arkansas, & rural Arkansas communities
Religiosity did not unequivocally deter status offenses more than it did criminal behavior against persons or property
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Table 2 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Benda & 724 students, evenly Corwyn distributed across (1997b) grades 9-12; 86% Caucasian / random sampling
Multi-dimensional religiosity instrument adopted from Woodruff (1985). Three factors: church attendance and involvement; time in prayer, bible study, and financial contribution; talking about religion, sharing joys and problems of religious life, and converting someone
Antiascetic hypothesis was not supported. However, religiosity influenced criminal behavior even when elements of control theory were added to demographic factors and when religiosity was defined by items that measured “evangelism.”
Evans, Cullen, 263 students, grades Multi-dimensional Burton, 10-12,86% Dunaway, Caucasian, 85% Payne & middle – upper-middle Kethineni class / questionnaire / (1996) convenience sampling measure of religiosity. Religious context and moral community measured by religiousness of five closest friends
Having religious friends was directly sig. related to antiascetic delinquency
Hypothesis of Religious Community Context / Stark Effect
Hirschi & Stark (1969)
Higgins & Albrecht (1977)
4,077 junior and senior high school students, California / questionnaire, review of school and police records / random stratified sampling
1383 tenth graders, Atlanta / questionnaire / stratified random sampling
Religiosity: church attendance. Supernatural sanctions measured by asking if there is life beyond death and if the devil actually exists
Religiosity: religious affiliation and frequency of attendance
Religious youth were no less likely to commit delinquent acts than nonreligious youth
Religiosity moderately negatively related to delinquency. Also religiosity is positively related to respect for the juvenile justice system which is inversely related to delinquency
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Table 2 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Stark, Kent & Doyle (1982)
Stark (1996)
First study: 273 male youth from SLC, UT and 1,213 male youth from Seattle, WA. Second study: 1,799 10th male Caucasian youth, from 87 high schools / existing data from national study (Bachman, 1970) / multistage cluster sampling
11,995 high school seniors / national survey, The Study of High School and Beyond
Religiosity: Religious Values Index, importance of religion, and frequency of church attendance. Religious context and moral community: Religious Values Index
Religious commitment: frequency of church attendance. Religious context across the country: percent that belong to church and percent that report they have no religion
The correlation between delinquency and religiosity is substantially lower in secular communities than religious communities
Findings suggest that the sig. findings between church attendance and delinquency are dependent upon the degree of religiousness found across the country
Benda (1995) 1093 students evenly distributed across grades 9-12; 42% Baptist / random sample
Multi-dimensional religiosity questionnaire adopted from Woodroof (1985). Community context defined by geography of Baltimore MD, Little Rock Arkansas, and rural Arkansas communities
Religiosity was unrelated to crimes against persons and only modestly related to crimes against property. Findings did not change when community context was included in the analysis
Evans, Cullen, 263 students; grades Multi-dimensional Burton, 10-12; 86% Dunaway, Caucasian; 85% Payne & middle – upper-middle Kethineni class / questionnaire. / (1996) convenient sampling measure of religiosity. Religious context and moral community: religiousness of five closest friends
Religious context (having religious friends) had little affect on personal religiosity’s ability to deter delinquency
African American Youth
Johnson, Jang, De Li & Larson (2000)
207 adolescents; 15-21 yrs olds; all African American / data from the National Youth Survey / multistage cluster sampling.
Religious involvement: frequency of religious attendance
Religious involvement sig. reduces criminal behavior among youth living in neighborhood disorder
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Table 2 (continued).
Author (s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Jagers (1996) 119 students; grades 5- 6; all African American; 92% of the families receive some form of public assistant / questionnaire / convenient sampling
Cultural Questionnaire for Children (Jagers & Mock, 1993); Subscales from the Child Behavior Checklist: Youth Self Report (Achenbach & Edelbrock, 1987)
Components of the Marginalized cultural orientation and of the Anglocultural orientation such as (school rejection, gang activities, person/object relations) but not the Afrocultural orientation (that includes spirituality component) were sig. predictors of aggression and crime
Zimmerman & Maton (1992).
218 African American male adolescents; average age 17 yrs; 70% left school before graduation / interviews / cluster analysis / mixed sampling methods
Five lifestyle behaviors (delinquent, church attending, uninvolved, school attending, and employed) analyzed by frequency of drug use
Cluster analysis found that youth who were most delinquent also had the lowest church attendance
Other Studies
Johnson, Larson & Me Cullough (2000)
40 peer-reviewed articles; sample sizes ranged from 34,129 to 123; twenty-five did not use random sampling methods; majority used population within the boundaries of one state; six used samples that were nationally representative / Systematic Review (SR)
Quality of research assessed by criteria from Cook and Campbell (1979).
Seventy-five percent of the studies found religion had an inverse relationship to delinquency. The two items used most frequently to measure religiosity were salience (85%) and attendance (65%). Sixty percent of the studies used only one or two dimensions to measure religiosity and slightly less than half used more than two factors. Studies that used demonstrated reliable measures were more likely to find an inverse relationship between religiosity and delinquency and all studies that used four or more dimensions to measure of religiosity found the same relationship
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Table 2 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Miller & 2,408 high school Hoffmann seniors / national (1995) survey, Monitoring the Future: A continuing Study of the Lifestyles and Values of Youth 1990 / multistage sampling
Religiosity: importance of religion in one’s life. Risk preferences: attraction to risk and attraction to danger. This has also been referred to as “adventure seeking” (Bromiley, and Curley, 1992)
Females more than males reported sig. higher religiosity. Males more than females reported sig. higher preference for risk. Risk preference attenuated these findings and was a sig. predictor of religiosity for both males and females
Sexuality
Sexual Attitudes and Sexual Behavior
Sheeran, Abrams, Abraham & Spears (1993)
Benda & Corwyn (1997a)
Brewster, Cooksey, Guilkey & Rindfuss (1998)
527 youth; ages 15-20 yrs (M=16.78) / mail survey / probability sampling
1093 students equally distributed across grades 9-12 / random sampling
Compared approx 8000 from each 1982 and 1988 wave of National Survey of Family Growth. Participants were 11- 19 years old virgins when data first collected in 1978 and 1984
Multidimensional measure of religiosity
Multi-dimens ional religiosity instrument adopted from Woodroof (1985)
Religious participation and religious affiliation
Religiosity was sig. negatively associated with sexual attitudes but not sexual behaviors. Some evidence that virginal status was associated with religious affiliation
Religiosity was not sig. predictive of sexual activity, but sexual activity sig. reduced religiosity
Increase in Christian fundamentalist groups in national and local politics may account for the decrease in sexual activity among Caucasian youth
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Table 2 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Halpern, Udry, Campbell, Suchindran & Mason (1994)
Holder, Durant, Harris, Daniel, Obeidallah & Goodman (2000)
82 adolescent males; ages 12-13; mostly middle class / self administered questionnaire every six months and again one year later / blood samples drawn every six months / 3 year longitudinal study / random sampling
Two religiosity variables: religious attendance and importance of religion in daily life
141 youth; ages 11-25; 61% African American; 22% Hispanic; 11% European American / convenient sampling
Multi-dimensional religiosity instrument. Provision of Social Relations scale (Turner et al, (1983) Purpose in Life Scale (Crumbaugh & Maholic, 1964). Age- Universal I-E Scale (Gorsuch & Venable, 1983), Quest Scale (Batson, et al. 1993)
Boys who experienced high levels of testosterone at an early age, but did not have the social controls of religiosity, were more likely to engage in sexual activity than youth with low levels of testosterone who were religiously involved. Boys for whom these two factors were operating in opposite directions fell somewhere in the middle. There were no interaction effects. Higher testosterone levels doubled the risk of first intercourse, while frequent church attendance lowered the risk of first intercourse by two-thirds
Self perceived personal importance of religion and spiritual interconnectedness with friends was sig. negatively associated with engagement in sexual activity. Spiritual interconnectedness with friends and age was an independent predictor of sexual abstinence
Benda & Corwyn(1999)
357 youth; ages 13-17; Religiosity: church
DiBlasio & Benda (1990)
61% African American, 36% Caucasian; all families receiving AFDC / 30 minute telephone survey
1,160 students; 74% female; 71% Caucasian; 10 private mostly Catholic schools across the country
attendance and importance of religion.
Religiosity measurement not provided
Youth who never had sexual intercourse were more likely to be younger, have fewer relatives or friends who had a child as a teenager, were more religious, and had greater fear of having a child
Increased frequency of sexual activity was associated with youth who reported to have low religiosity
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Table 2 (continued).
Author (s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Udry, Kovenock, Morris & van den Berg (1995)
225 women; all Caucasian; majority higher socioeconomic status / existing data from the Child Health and Development Study (CHDS) from 1960 to 1963 / mothers and daughters interviewed at daughter’s age of 5, and 9-11 and 15-17 yrs old / adult daughters were later interviewed in 1990 and 1991 / convenient sampling
Religious variable: family attended church together.
Among the variables that contributed to later ages of first intercourse was that the family attended church together, which was noted in interviews at age 9-11
Birth Control
Brewster, Cooksey, Guilkey & Rindfuss (1998)
Benda & Corwyn (1999)
Compared approx 8000 from each 1982 and 1988 wave of National Survey of Family Growth. Participants were 11- 19 years old virgins when data first collected in 1978 and 1984. Reviewed national data during time period when religious groups were politically active in family and reproductive issues
357 youth, ages 13-17; 61% African American; 36% Caucasian; all families receiving AFDC; 30 minute telephone survey / convenient sampling
Religiosity: religious participation and religious affiliation
Religiosity: church attendance and importance of religion.
African American youth were more likely than Caucasian youth to forgo contraceptive protection at time of first intercourse. Forgoing protection was most notable among Protestant fundamentalist groups for African Americans, and among Protestant fundamentalist and Catholic groups for Caucasians
Youth who were sexually active and always used birth control had higher church attendance, were more likely to be African American, have stronger attachment to mother, and currently did not want a baby
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Table 2 (continued).
Author (s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Gibson (1991) 240 Hispanic adolescent females, ages 12-18 yrs; questionnaire / convenient sampling
Religiosity: religious affiliation and importance of religion
Religious affiliation was not sig. related to participants’ attitude toward birth control. Youth that reported religion as very important were more likely to view birth control as unimportant
report greater psychosocial distress than youth with high religiosity scores. Many of the
more nonreligious youth had psychosocial distress scores that would suggest they were in
need of outpatient services. The second study by Rednick and colleagues (1993) used data
from the Minnesota Adolescent Health Database, which collected information from 36,254
students, grades 7 through 12, using a stratified and multi-stage sampling method.
Stepwise discriminate analysis ranked a range of protective factors against acting out
behaviors and quietly disturbed behaviors for females and males. In terms of the
explanatory power, spiritual connectedness (as measured by youth who defined themselves
as religious or spiritual), was ranked fourth as a protective factor against acting out and
quietly disturbed behaviors for girls and was ranked third as a protective factor for acting
out behaviors for boys.
Depression
Four inquiries investigated the relationship between religiosity and depression
(Benda & Corwyn, 1997a; Maton, Tite, Corns, Vieira-Baker, Lavine, Gouze, & Keating,
1996; Sorenson, Grindstaff & Turner, 1995; Wright, Frost, & Wisecarver, 1993). Only the
study by Benda and Corwyn (1997a) used random sampling methods to obtain data from
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1093 students evenly distributed across grades 9 through 12. The largest percentage of
participants were Baptist (42%). Fifty-nine percent were Caucasian and 36% were African
American. Findings suggested that religiosity was not a predictor of suicidal thoughts, but
suicidal thoughts had the effect of decreasing religiosity. Another study by Wright and
colleagues (1993) sampled 451 students, grades 9 through 12, from one high school in
Texas. Nearly equal numbers of participants were Flispanic, Caucasian, and African
American. Adolescents who reported frequent church attendance or reported that their
religion was meaningful to them had significantly lower depression scores than youth who
attended church infrequently or reported that religion was not meaningful. The interaction
effect was not significant.
The remaining two studies explored religiosity and depression among pregnant
adolescents. The first study by Maton and colleagues (1996) used purposive sampling
methods to collect information from 102 African American and Caucasian adolescents
who were all under the age of 18 years old and at least 12 weeks pregnant. Findings
indicated that African American pregnant adolescents reported higher levels of personal
spiritual support defined as “I experience God’s love and caring on a regular basis,” “My
religious faith helps me to cope during time of difficulty” and “I experience a personal,
close relationship with God,” than Caucasian adolescents. However, spiritual support was
not related to symptoms of depression for either group. The second study, by Sorenson
and colleagues (1995), conducted in southwest Ontario, interviewed 33 married and 228
unmarried adolescent mothers about four weeks after their child was bom. Data were
drawn from second interviews of a longitudinal study. For those adolescents who were
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married, religion appeared to have no negative influence on their emotional well-being as
measured by levels of depression. However, degrees of religious involvement appeared to
influence levels of depression among unmarried adolescents. For those who were not
married, a lack of religious involvement (regardless of religious affiliation) was associated
with lower depression scores, while being actively involved in more conservative faiths
was associated with higher depression scores. In addition, higher depression scores were
found among unmarried youth who cohabited and who attended religious activities, but not
among unmarried youth who cohabited and did not attend religious activities.
Self-Esteem
Three studies were located that investigated religiosity and self-esteem (Jones &
Francis, 1996; Markstrom, 1999; Maton, Tite, Corns, Vieira-Baker, Lavine, Gouze &
Keating, 1996). None of these cross sectional studies used probability sampling methods.
The first study by Maton and colleagues (1996) investigated the relationship between
spiritual support and self-esteem among 102 pregnant adolescents and has been described
in detail in the section that discussed depression. Findings from this study suggested that
while African American pregnant youth reported higher levels of spiritual support than
Caucasian pregnant youth, spiritual support was not related to self-esteem for either group.
The second investigation by Jones and Francis (1996) involved three studies that were
comprised of 642 students who were 15 and 16 years old, 755 students between the ages of
13 and 14 years old, and 166 students ranging in age from 8 to 11 years old. Each study
consisted of nearly equal numbers of males and females and together the samples were
drawn from one Roman Catholic, two Church of England, and nine nondenominational
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schools located in England and Wales. All three studies found that after controlling for sex
differences, there was a small yet significant positive relationship between attitude toward
Christianity and self-esteem. In other words, Christianity appeared to promote a positive
sense of self among children and youth. The third investigation by Markstrom (1999)
consisted of 125 students between the ages of 15 and 18 years old. Data were drawn from
the second year of a longitudinal study. There were equal numbers of African American
and Caucasian youth, 37% were males and 63% were female. All were from lower income
families residing in West Virginia. Forty-three percent were Baptist. Findings suggested
that neither church attendance, nor Bible study participation, nor youth group participation
was significantly associated with general self-esteem among participants.
Educational Performance
Three research projects explored the ability of religiosity to influence educational
attainment (Brown & Gary, 1991; Dai, 1996; Markstrom, 1999). The first study that
examined the relationship between religiosity and education is the previously described
research effort by Markstrom (1999) that sampled 125 African American and European
American youth from low-income families in West Virginia. Findings from this study
determined that all of three religiosity variables of church attendance, Bible study, and
youth group participation were significantly positively associated with school self-esteem.
The second study by Dai (1996) used data from a 1989 national survey, Monitoring the
Future: A Continuing Study of the Lifestyles and Values of Youth. The sample for this
study consisted of 13,530 high school seniors. There were equal number of males and
females; 86% were Caucasian, while the remaining 14% were African American. The
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more religious seniors were (based on frequency of attendance), the less likely they were to
plan to attend a vocational school and the more likely they were to plan to attend a four
year college and go on to graduate school. These findings appeared consistent across race
and political orientation.
In addition to these two studies, the inquiry by Brown and Gary (1991) found
support for a positive relationship between religious socialization and educational
attainment. Multistage cluster sampling was used to obtain data from 532 African
American adults, ages 18 to 45 years old. Religious socialization was measured through
items such as: “Ideas I have learned from religion sometimes help me to understand my
own life”; “I feel that the church or religion helps me in getting ahead in life”; and “The
religious beliefs I learned when I was young still help me.” There was a significant direct
positive association between all three items of religious socialization and educational
attainment.
Identity Development
Four studies were located that pertain to the relationship between religiosity and
identity development among adolescents (Benda, 2000; Glover, 1996; Markstrom, 1999;
Mosher & Handal, 1997). The study by Markstrom (1999) has previously been described
in the section pertaining to self-esteem. Findings from this study suggest that religious
involvement is positively associated with Erickson’s ego strength of hope, will, purpose,
fidelity, love, and care. Higher ethnic identity was significantly associated with being
more religiously involved, and affirmation and belonging was significantly associated with
youth group participation.
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The three other studies in this section suggest that adolescence is a time of
exploration when youth begin to question past rules and roles and begin to critically reflect
on who they are, including who they are in relation to their religious faith. Two of these
studies used convenience sampling. Glover (1996) gathered data from 147 youth grouped
by age 14-17 years old, 18-25 years old, and 26-30 years old. The majority of the sample
was Caucasian and middle to upper middle class. Findings suggested that the 14-17 year
olds were significantly less religious than the other two age groups. The study by Mosher
and Handal (1997), previously described in the section related to religiosity and
psychosocial functioning, found that younger freshmen were significantly more religious
than seniors and that there was a general trend of declining religiosity as youth progressed
through school. Last, the study by Benda (2000) used random sampling methods of 1093
public high school students from three states. Students were evenly distributed across
grades 9 through 12. The study concluded that reciprocal effects of illicit drug use on
religion were found only among older youth. The author suggests that findings seem to
support the notion that as adolescents search for identity, those who use drugs may be
more likely to reduce their commitment to religion.
Coping
Two studies addressed religiosity and coping strategies used by youth (Lindsey,
Kurtz, Jarvis, Williams, Nackerud, 2000; Shortz & Worthington, 1994). One study
examined the effects of religious attributions on coping strategies used during parents’
divorces (Shortz & Worthington, 1994). This study used convenience sampling methods
to gather information from 131 undergraduate students from a public University. Although
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the average age of participants was 21, the study gathered retrospective data about the
experience of their parents’ divorce when they were adolescents. The findings suggested
that religiosity and the use of religious attributions to explain the cause of the divorce
predicted the use of religious coping activities and strategies. For example, attributing the
divorce to God’s will, or plan, was the single most significant predictor to using
spiritually-based coping activities, which are defined as trusting God for protection and
turning to God for guidance. In contrast, those who attributed the divorce to God’s anger
were significantly more likely to report religious discontent, anger, and questioning one’s
faith, and/or pleading to God for a miracle.
Lindsey and colleagues (2000) conducted a study of the role of religiosity among
runaway youth. Qualitative research methods, that included interviews and constant
comparative analysis, were used to identify and describe the successful developmental
transitions of runaway and homeless youth into adulthood. Participants included three
males and nine females who were 18 to 25 years old and who had not stayed in a youth
shelter, group home, or alternative living arrangement for two years. Although concepts of
spirituality and its intervening effects were varied, over half of the participants reported
spirituality, or a belief in God, or a higher power, as an important dimension that
contributed to their success.
Ethnicity, Coping, and Religiosity
Three studies looked exclusively at the effects of religiosity among African
Americans and other ethnic groups (Brega & Coleman, 1999; Cook, 2000; Haight, 1998).
One study by Brega and Coleman (1999) used random sampling to collect data from 50
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African American students attending grades 10 and 11. There were almost equal numbers
of males and females. Youth who reported high levels of religiosity were significantly less
likely to internalize society’s negative devaluing of African Americans than youth who
reported low levels of religiosity.
Haight (1998) conducted a four-year ethnographic study of African American
children, ages 3 to 16 years old, who attended a Baptist Church in Salt Lake City, Utah.
The adults in charge of the children’s Sunday school classes were interviewed and a
participant-observer audiotaped and took notes of 40 Sunday school classes. Findings
suggested that the church is viewed as a place that provides children with a safe haven
where they are cared for and nurtured by adults who teach them about their heritage.
Spirituality is seen as a protective lifeline that provides healthy ways of coping with life
and daily living.
Last, Cook (2000) compared the interviews and paper and pencil questionnaires of
16 church involved and 16 non-church involved, inner city Protestant youth from the
Boston area. Ethnic backgrounds included Latino, African American, Haitian, and
multicultural. Churches provided names of church involved youth who had “struggled
with the street culture” and who seemed to have been influenced by their involvement in
the church. Parachurch organizations, schools, and social services agencies provided
names of youth who were considered non-church involved. Both groups had equal
numbers of males and females and the average ages were 16 and 15 years old, respectively.
Youth who were involved with the church reported statistically more stability in their lives
than non-church involved youth. Although not statistically significant, patterns seemed to
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emerge that suggested that church involved youth were less likely to externalize problems,
more likely to have a job, and more likely to live with biological parents who were less
likely to be on welfare, than non-church involved youth. Those involved with the church
reported that it offered a mentor, encouraged self-regulatory behaviors, provided a standard
for good behavior, helped shape identity, offered a sense of community, gave them
something to do, and nurtured a relationship with God.
Substance Use
Twenty-one studies were located that investigated religiosity as a variable that was
inversely related to adolescent substance use (see Table 2). These cross sectional
investigations have been organized into the following categories: studies that (a) tested a
theoretical model of control and social learning theory, (b) contributed to the
understanding of the antiascetism hypothesis, (c) accounted for differences between
denominational proscriptiveness, (d) examined the effect of a religious community, (e)
pertained to the specific population of African American youth, and (f) explored the factors
that were contributors and inhibitors of substance use but did not fit into any of these
specific categories.
Control Theory
Five studies by Benda and associates tested an elaboration of control theory and
social learning theory to determine how well the model explained adolescent substance use
(Benda, 1995; Benda, 1997; Benda & Corwyn, 1997a; Benda & Corwyn, 2000; Corwyn,
Benda & Ballard, 1997). All five studies used the same random sample of 1093 public
high school students from three states (Oklahoma, Arkansas, and Maryland) and a
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multidimensional religiosity questionnaire adopted from Woodroof (1985). These similar
studies used different statistical procedures to test a proposed theoretical model.
The earlier study by Benda (1995) used ordinary least squares regression and found
that religiosity had a modest effect on alcohol use but not on amphetamine or marijuana
use, and that the effect of religiosity was reduced by other elements of bonding. However,
it was later suggested that ordinary least squares regression was an inadequate statistical
analysis since it incorrectly attributes some of the unexplained variation of the dependent
variable to the effect of the predictors; therefore, the subsequent investigations applied
statistical analysis that can test direct, indirect, and reciprocal effects. Three of these
studies used two-stage least squares regression and found that along with other variables,
religiosity contributed to the beliefs in the moral validity of societal norms and laws and
that beliefs accounted for some of the variance in alcohol and substance use among youth.
However, religiosity did not have a significant direct effect upon alcohol use, but alcohol
use did account for a reduction in religiosity (Benda, 1997; Benda & Corwyn, 1997a;
Corwyn, Benda, & Ballard, 1997) and similar results were found for marijuana use (Benda
& Corwyn, 1997a; Corwyn, Benda, & Ballard 1997). Two of these contributions also
determined that there was a reciprocal relationship between religiosity and other illegal
substance use such as amphetamines, barbiturates, and opiates. In other words, religiosity
inhibited substance use and substance use weakened religiosity (Benda, 1997; Corwyn,
Benda, & Ballard, 1997). The most recent study by Benda and Corwyn (2000) used
structural equation modeling and concluded that while religiosity was not a significant
contributor to beliefs in the moral validity of norms and laws, religiosity had a direct effect
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on all illegal substance use (alcohol, marijuana, barbiturates, amphetamines, opiates,
cocaine) for all ages and gender. Reciprocal effects of illicit substance use on religion
were found only among older youth and among females.
These five studies suggests that there is conflicting evidence about religiosity’s
ability to directly inhibit substance use among adolescents as indicated by the theoretical
model of control and social learning theory. On the one hand, religiosity contributed to
beliefs, but did not have direct effects upon substance use when two-stage least squares
regression was utilized. However, just the opposite results were found with religiosity not
contributing to beliefs, but having a direct effect on substance use when structural equation
modeling was employed. A comparison of these studies should be made with caution,
however, since the last study did not investigate each of the different types of substance
use separately, but rather analyses were based on one variable called “drug use,” which
included the use of alcohol, marijuana, barbiturates, amphetamines, opiates, and cocaine.
Any differences that may exist among each type of substance use would not be accounted
for and, thus, makes it somewhat difficult to make a direct comparison. A consistent
observation among all four studies was that reciprocal effects were discovered when they
were statistically accounted for. This seems to suggest that there is support for the notion
of cognitive dissonance.
Antiascetism Hypothesis
Only two of the twenty-one studies about adolescent substance use specifically
examined the hypothesis that religiosity is more effective in reducing those behaviors that
are ambiguously defined by society yet are proscriptive in religious doctrine (Benda, 1995;
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Cochran & Akers, 1989). The first study by Cochran and Akers (1989) is based upon the
“Boy’s Town” data, a two-stage sample survey of 3,065 youth, from three Midwestern
states, attending grades 7 through 12. Antiascetic behaviors were defined as alcohol and
marijuana use. Self-described religiousness, participatory salience, and personal
asceticism measured participant’s religious commitment. This study reported that
religiosity had a significant moderate to weak negative relationship with the use of alcohol,
and although the effects were weaker, similar findings were reported for marijuana use.
Based on these findings, it was concluded that there was support for the antiascetism
hypothesis. It is interesting to note that in this study, the antiascetism hypothesis was a
measure of religiosity’s effect on the frequency of alcohol and other substance use as they
are both defined as antiascetic behaviors. However, the second study that tested the
antiascetism hypothesis (Benda, 1995, methods previously discussed) failed to find the
same convincing evidence when it compared the effect of religiosity on the antiascetic
behaviors of alcohol and substance use with the effect of religiosity on the nonantiascetic
behaviors of crimes against property and crimes against persons.
Based upon these two studies, support for the antiascetism hypothesis depends
upon the operationalization of this proposition. While there appears to be agreement about
the definition of antiascetic behaviors (i.e., alcohol and certain types of substance use),
inconsistencies occur in how this hypothesis is to be tested. If it is examined as a measure
of religiosity’s effect on alcohol and certain types of substance use, then it is only
comparing anitascetic behaviors to absence of antiascetic behaviors, and in this way does
not seem to differ much from other studies seeking to determine a relationship between
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religiosity and substance use. However, a comparison of antiascetic behaviors to
nonantiascetic behaviors, such as certain types of crimes that are antisocial regardless of
religious doctrine, may contribute to our understanding of this phenomenon even further.
At the very least, a uniform operationalization of this proposition would be useful and it is
unfortunate that more studies were not located that may contribute to our understanding of
this hypothesis.
Denominational Proscriptiveness
Five studies either implicitly or explicitly addressed denominational
proscriptiveness as a factor that contributes to the relationship between religiosity and
adolescent substance use (Amey, Albrecht, & Miller, 1996; Cochran & Akers, 1989;
Kutter & McDermott, 1997; Miller, Davies, & Greenwald, 2000; Stark, 1996). Three of
these studies used national survey data of adolescent youth (Amey et al., 1996; Miller et
al., 2000; Stark, 1996), and one, already mentioned above, was based on a survey of 3,065
youth from three Midwestern states (Cochran & Akers, 1989). The fifth study was based
on a convenience sample of 238 Caucasian Protestant adolescents who belonged to either a
church or community youth group from two moderately-sized Midwestern cities (Kutter &
McDermott, 1997). Although some variation of measurement exists between these studies,
for the most part, Baptist and other fundamental Protestant or mainline Protestant groups,
such as Pentecostal, were considered more proscriptive than Catholic, Unitarian, Lutheran,
Presbyterian, or no affiliation. Depending upon the study, Methodist was categorized as
either proscriptive (Cochoran & Akers, 1989) or nonproscriptive (Kutter & McDermott,
1997).
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All five studies found evidence that supported the hypothesis that religious
proscriptiveness contributes to the inverse relationship between religiosity and all types of
substance use, but particularly alcohol use. As Cochran and Akers (1989) explained,
proscriptiveness among religious groups may vary in regard to alcohol use, but almost
invariably all are against marijuana or other substance use. However, two exceptions are
noted. First, the study conducted by Amey and colleagues (1996) found proscriptiveness
made a difference in substance use only among Caucasian youth and not among African
American youth. This was one finding among others that suggested there may be
significant differences between the two groups and that religiosity may not provide the
same protective influence against substance use for African Americans as it does for
Caucasians. Second, the study conducted by Kutter and Me Dermott (1997) was
exclusively devoted to examining the effects of religious proscriptiveness and concluded
that religious proscriptiveness had an interactive effect upon adolescent alcohol and
substance use. Specifically, proscriptive religiousness had a positive relationship with
increased binge drinking among those who do use alcohol. However, these same youth
also exhibited the highest rate of abstinence. Two explanations are offered: (a)
Proscriptive prohibition of alcohol may encourage rebellion, or (b) proscriptive
organizations that promote abstinence may not provide youth with proper guidelines of
how to control drugs or alcohol when, or if, they use them.
Hypothesis of Religious Community Context / Stark Effect
Three studies attempted to clarify the degree to which the religious context
contributes to our understanding of the effect of religiosity on adolescent substance use
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(Benda, 1995; Cochran & Akers, 1989; Stark, 1996). Previously referred to as the “Stark
Effect,” this hypothesis states that the effect of religiosity on delinquent behavior is largely
due to the religious context of the community in which one belongs. Religiosity will have
its greatest impact on youth who belong to a highly religious community and that
individual religiousness will not make much difference in communities that are not
religious. The methodology of these three studies has already been presented, however,
the differences in how they measured religious context has not been discussed and all three
studies measured this item very differently. Benda (1995) accounted for religious context
by comparing youth from the following three geographical locations: (a) Baltimore,
Maryland, thought to offer the most diverse normative culture, (b) Bible Belt South rural
Arkansas communities, thought to be the most homogenous of the three locations, and (c)
Little Rock, Arkansas, a mid-sized city, thought to lie between the two on a continuum of
diversity. Cochran and Akers (1989) measured religious context by calculating the
percentage of youth per school district who reported they were “quite religious.” Each of
the twenty-one schools in this study was then placed into one of two categories. Those
schools whose aggregate religiosity was greater than 50% were considered to be a “moral
community” whereas those schools whose aggregate religiosity was 50% or less were
considered to be absent of what would be considered a moral community. Finally, Stark
(1996) defined religious context by examining two national surveys that measured the
regional religious patterns across the United States. Specifically, one study measured the
percent of participants who reported to belong to a Church and the other measured the
percent of participants who reported they had no religion. Based upon these studies,
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religiousness is strongest in the East, Midwest, and South, begins to decline in the
Mountain region, and is lowest in the Pacific region. None of the three studies
demonstrated convincing evidence that religious context made a difference in religiosity’s
ability to affect substance or alcohol use among youth. In addition, results were mixed and
inconclusive when the study by Cochran and Akers (1989) also tested an integrated model
of religious context and denominational proscriptiveness.
African American Youth
Three studies specifically investigated religiosity’s ability to protect African
American youth from substance use (Amey, Albrecht, and Miller, 1996; Belgrave,
Townsend, Cherry, & Cunningham, 1997; Zimmerman & Maton, 1992). Two of these
studies, one by Belgrave and colleagues (1997) and one by Zimmerman and Maton (1992),
used samples that were comprised exclusively of African American youth from the inner-
city Baltimore and Washington D.C. area. Belgrave’s project consisted of a convenience
sample of 189 fourth and fifth grade public school students who completed a self-report
questionnaire as part of a pretest for a drug intervention program. Results suggested that
children who attended religious services and whose families discussed religious topics
reported more knowledge about the harmfulness of drugs and reported less substance use.
Zimmerman and Maton’s (1992) study utilized random, convenience, and snowball
sampling methods, and 90 minute structured interviews and questionnaires, followed by a
series of open-ended questions, to collect data from 218 adolescent males (average age of
17 years). Seventy percent had left school before graduation. Cluster analysis determined
five lifestyle behaviors that were compared to the frequency of substance use. Findings
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suggested that some life-style behaviors, such as church attendance, appear to compensate
for potential participation in other negative lifestyle behaviors. For example, except for
youth that attended school, the youth that attended church were the least likely to use
alcohol and marijuana. And, except for the youth that attended school and youth that were
employed, youth that attended church were also the least likely to use hard drugs.
Based on these two studies it would seem that religiosity offers African American
youth protection from substance use. However, the results of a study that was based on a
national survey of high school seniors and compared differences among African American
and Caucasian youth suggests otherwise. Amey and colleagues (1996) found that the two
groups differed on the three measures of religious affiliation, church attendance, and
importance of religion. For example, African American seniors were more likely than
Caucasians to be Protestant and to attend church at least once a month, while Caucasians
were more likely than African Americans to report they never attend church. In addition,
twice as many African Americans than Caucasians reported that religion was very
important to them. However, an examination of the interaction between race and religion
found that when compared to Caucasians, religiosity had only a modest and limited impact
on the use of substances among African Americans. The authors concluded that a high
level of religiosity might not have the same protective effect against substance use for
African Americans as it does for Caucasians. They surmise that the church may be more
of an institution of social control for Caucasian youth, whereas when African American
youths report that the church is important to them this may not reflect a spiritual impact.
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Rather, this may reflect the many multiple roles of the church besides the spiritual that
includes social, psychological, and political functions.
Other Studies
Only three studies explored characteristics that either contribute to or inhibit
substance use among adolescents and could not be placed into any of the above categories
(Albrecht, Amey, & Miller, 1996; Yarnold, 1999; Yarnold & Patterson, 1998). Yarnold
and Patterson (1998) and Yarnold (1999) collected data from the same multistage cluster
probability sample of junior and senior public school students from Dade County, Florida.
Only a small percentage of students were reported to be from private schools. Both studies
used an instrument based on items from the questionnaire used by Monitoring the Future:
A Continuing Study of the Lifestyles and Values of Youth. Based on a sample size of 458
students, the study by Yarnold and Patterson (1998) concluded that religiosity was one of
three variables that inhibited marijuana use. Findings from the study by Yarnold (1999),
with a sample size of 829 students, determined that youth who reported religion was
important in their lives were less likely to use cigarettes, although this did not reach
statistical significance. The third study by Albrecht and colleagues (1996) examined data
collected by the national survey of high school seniors, Monitoring the Future: A
Continuing Study of the Lifestyles and Values of Youth. It, too, found that religion,
specifically church attendance, was a potential inhibitor in the use of cigarettes, alcohol,
marijuana, and other substances.
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Delinquency and Criminal Behavior
Twenty studies were located that investigated the relationship between religiosity
and adolescent delinquency and criminal behavior (see Table 2). Similar to the section on
substance use, these studies have been organized into the following categories: studies that
(a) tested a theoretical model of control and social learning theory, (b) contributed to the
understanding of the antiascetism hypothesis, (c) examined the effect of a religious
community, (d) pertained to the specific population of African American youth, and (e)
explored the factors that were contributors or inhibitors of delinquency and criminal
behavior but did not fit into any of these specific categories. Unlike the section on
substance use, no studies were found that explored the relationship between delinquency
and denominational proscriptiveness.
Control Theory
A total of six studies investigated the relationship between religiosity and some
aspect of social control theory (Benda, 1995; Benda, 1997; Benda & Corwyn, 1997a;
Benda & Whiteside, 1995; Evans, Cullen, Burton, Dunaway, Payne, Kethineni, 1996;
Johnson, Jang, Larson, & Deli, 2001). The four studies by Benda and associates used the
same random sample of 1093 public high school students from three states (Oklahoma,
Arkansas, and Maryland) and a multidimensional religiosity questionnaire adopted from
Woodroof (1985). As in the section that discussed substance use, these similar studies
used different statistical procedures to test an integrated model of social control and social
learning theory. The earlier study by Benda (1995) used ordinary least squares regression
and found that religiosity had a significant inverse relationship with crimes against
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property. When demographic and control theory variables were added to the analysis, the
relationship between religiosity and crimes against persons also became significant. This
appeared to indicate that some of the variance of religiosity is accounted for by these social
control variables.
Because ordinary least squares regression was later thought to be an inadequate
statistical analysis that incorrectly attributed some of the unexplained variation of the
dependent variable to the effect of the predictors, two subsequent investigations used two-
stage least squares regression, an analysis that can test direct, indirect, and reciprocal
effects (Benda, 1997; Benda & Corwyn (1997a). Both of these studies found that
religiosity had a direct and indirect (through contribution to beliefs in the moral validity of
societal laws and norms) inverse relationship to criminal behavior. In addition, a
reciprocal relationship between religiosity and crime was also found to be significant. The
study by Benda and Whiteside (1995) also used the same sample, but used the LISREL
procedure to analyze the theoretical relationships. In this study delinquency consisted of
frequency of crimes against persons and crimes against property as well as substance use.
Findings suggested that religiosity and parental attachment had a positive covariant
relationship and both of these variables significantly increased beliefs in conventional
norms, which decreased delinquency and differential association with delinquent peers.
Johnson and colleagues (2001) conducted a more recent study examining the
theoretical model of social control theory. Findings suggested that after controlling for
intervening variables, religiosity had a direct effect on delinquent behavior and on
delinquent associations and conventional beliefs. Both delinquent associations and
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conventional beliefs were then inversely related to delinquency. In addition, partial
support was found for the reciprocal effect of delinquency reducing religiosity. These
findings are based on three waves of a longitudinal national probability sample of 1,305
youth ages 11 to 17 years old.
Last, Evans and colleagues (1995) used convenience sampling to gather data from
263 students attending grades 10th through 12th. The vast majority were Caucasian from
middle to upper middle class families. Students completed a self-report delinquency
survey that asked about general delinquency including substance use. Findings suggested
that both personal religiosity and religiosity of friends directly negatively influenced
delinquency. However, upon further analysis, it was determined that these effects were
muted after controlling for secular bonds of family, school, and peers. Thus, it was
concluded that religiosity did not directly inhibit general delinquency.
Antiascetism Hypothesis
Three studies investigated the antiascetism hypothesis that religiosity will be more
effective in reducing those behaviors ambiguously defined by society yet are proscriptive
in religious doctrine (Benda, 1995; Benda & Corwyn, 1997b; Evans et al., 1995). The first
investigation by Benda (1995) used a random sample of 1,093 youth and has previously
been described. Findings from this study suggested that there was not unequivocal support
that religiosity deterred antiascetic behaviors of status offenses, consisting of faking
excuses from school, skipping school, and running away, more than it did criminal
behavior against persons or property. The study by Benda and Corwyn (1997b) used the
same random sample of 1,093 youth, but did not include the students from Maryland. The
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majority of this subsample of 724 students was Caucasian. Status offenses consisted of
faking excused absences from school, skipping school, running away, and alcohol use.
Criminal behavior consisted of breaking and entering, theft from school locker, stealing,
gang fights, other fighting, forcible robbery, and illegal substance use. Findings suggested
that religiosity as measured by church attendance, Bible study, time in prayer, and financial
contribution, was significantly related to status offenses but not to criminal behavior, but
this relationship ceased to exist when elements of control theory were added to the
demographic factors suggesting that the relationship is spurious. However, “evangelism”
significantly negatively influenced criminal behavior even when elements of control theory
were added to the demographic factors. Items that measured talking about religion with
friends and family, sharing joys and problems of religious life, and trying to convert
someone, defined evangelism. Benda and Corwyn (1997b) concluded that “any
relationship between religion and delinquency is not straightforward.. .the relationship
depends on what measures of religion are used, on whether other important familial and
peer influences are considered, and on the form of delinquency analyzed” (p. 87) The third
study by Evans and colleagues (1995) has already been described. Findings suggested that
having religious peers negatively influenced youth’s involvement in antiascetic
delinquency such as smoking cigarettes, substance use, driving while intoxicated,
gambling, sexual activities, and obscene phone calls. This finding remained even when
controls for social bonds were introduced.
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Hypothesis of Religious Community Context / Stark Effect
Six studies investigated the hypothesis that the effect of religiosity on delinquent
behavior is largely due to the religious context of the community in which one belongs
(Benda, 1995; Evans, Cullen, Burton, Dunaway, Payne, & Kethineni, 1996; Higgins &
Albrecht, 1977; Hirschi & Stark, 1969; Stark, Kent & Doyle, 1982; Stark, 1996).
Specifically, it is thought that religiosity will have its greatest impact on youth that belong
to a highly religious community and that individual religiousness will not make much
difference in communities that are not religious. Hirschi and Stark’s study in 1969
controversially suggested that youth who were religious (defined by regular church
attendance, or believed in life after death and in the existence in the devil) were no less
likely to commit delinquent acts than youth who were not religious. Findings were based
on a stratified random sample of 4,077 junior and senior California high school students.
Each student completed a questionnaire and investigators reviewed students’ school and
police records.
In 1977 Higgins and Albrecht conducted a study to revisit Hirschi and Stark’s
findings. They collected data from 1,383 10th grade Caucasian males residing in Atlanta
by using stratified random sampling methods. Findings suggested that religiosity is
moderately negatively related to delinquency. In addition, there also appeared to be a
causal structure in that religiosity is positively related to respect for the juvenile justice
system, which is inversely related to delinquent behavior among youth. One conclusion
that authors posed was that church attendance may have a different religious importance or
meaning for youth in the South than in the West where Stark conducted his study.
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A subsequent investigation by Stark, Kent, and Doyle (1982) explored the religious
community hypothesis. This investigation involved two studies. The first study defined
religious community by comparing a sample of 273 adolescent males residing in the well-
known religious community of Provo, Utah to a sample of 1,213 adolescent males residing
in the secular community of Seattle, Washington. The second study defined religious
community by using national survey data that included a religious values index, personal
importance of religion, and church attendance. The sample consisted of 1,799 Caucasian
10th grade boys from 87 schools across the country. A school was classified as a “secular
community” when no more than 20% of the sample scored at the top of the religious
values index and more than 60% fell below the mean of the index. Based upon this
criteria, it was determined that no secular communities were in the Southern region, more
were in the Western states, and several of the most secular communities were in the West
Coast region. No matter how a religious community was defined and measured, findings
from the two studies suggested that the relationship between delinquency and religiosity is
notably weaker in secular communities than religious communities. In addition, through
further analysis of the schools in the secular communities of California (second study),
Stark was able to replicate his and Hirshi’s initial findings of their study conducted in 1969
that suggested that religiosity did not deter adolescent delinquent behavior.
Again, in 1996, Stark tested his hypothesis by using national survey data that
sampled 11,995 seniors across the nation. Using two different databases, the degree of
religiousness across the nation was measured by the percent of participants reporting that
they belonged to church and reporting that they had no religion. Like previous studies,
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findings suggested that religiousness across the country is higher in the East, begins to
decline in the Mountain region, and is even lower in the Pacific region. In addition,
findings suggested that the ability of church attendance to negatively affect delinquency
correlates with the degree of religiousness across the nation. In other words, religiosity
affects delinquency depending upon the religiousness of the environment in which the
participants live.
Two other researchers investigated the hypothesis of religious context. The study
by Benda (1995) has previously been described. Religious context was defined by rural
areas of Arkansas; Little Rock, Arkansas; and Baltimore, Maryland. Findings from this
study suggested that the interaction between religiosity and community context accounted
for less than 1% of the variance of delinquency; thus it was concluded that community
context was unrelated to religiosity’s ability to effect delinquent behavior.
Finally, the study by Evans and colleagues (1995) has also previously been
described. In this study, “religious community” was defined by the number of religious
friends a youth reported to have. Findings from this study suggested that the ability of
personal religiosity to deter delinquency was not affected by the number of religious
friends a youth reported to have. However, as previously discussed, those youth with
religious friends irregardless of personal religiosity were less likely to commit antiascetic
delinquent acts such as smoking, substance use, driving while intoxicated, gambling,
sexual activities, and obscene phone calls.
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African American Youth
Three studies specifically investigated religiosity’s ability to influence delinquency
among African American youth (Jagers, 1996; Johnson, Jang, De Li, & Larson, 2000;
Zimmerman & Maton, 1992). The first study by Johnson and colleagues (2000) used a
sample of 207 eighteen-year-old African American youth drawn from the National Youth
Survey. The proposed model suggested that neighborhood disorder increased youths’
engagement in criminal behavior. However, it was found that engagement in serious
criminal behavior among youth that reside in poor neighborhoods was significantly lower
among those who frequently attended church.
The second study by Jagers (1996) used convenience sampling methods to collect
data from 119 inner city youth attending grades 5th through 6th. Almost all the youth’s
families were receiving public assistance. The study examined the influence of three
cultural orientations (Anglocultural, Afrocultural, and Marginalized) on various problem
behaviors. The majority of youth in this sample endorsed the Afrocultural orientation,
which included the items of spirituality, communalism, and affect along with the
Anglocultural orientation of effort optimism. The Marginalized cultural orientation of
gang-related activities and the Anglocultural orientation of person/object relations were
independent significant predictors of aggressive behavior. The same predictors were found
for delinquent behavior, but also included the Marginalized orientation of school rejection.
The Afrocultural orientations of spirituality and communalism and the Anglocultural
orientation of effort optimism were not significantly associated with such problem
behaviors.
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The third study by Zimmerman and Maton (1992) utilized random, convenience,
and snowball sampling methods to collect data from 218 African American males whose
average age was 17 years old and the majority left school before graduation. Details of the
study have been described in the section regarding substance use. Cluster analysis
revealed five lifestyle behaviors that suggested that youth who were most delinquent also
had the lowest church attendance.
Other Studies
Two studies could not be placed into any of the above categories (Miller &
Hoffmann, 1995; Johnson, Jang, De Li, & Larson, 2000). The first study by Miller and
Hoffmann (1995) used data from a national survey that utilized multistage sampling
methods. The subsample for the current study included 2,408 high school seniors.
Although females reported higher religiosity than males, and males reported higher
preference for risk than females, risk preference attenuated these findings and was a
significant predictor of religiosity for both males and females.
The second study by Johnson and colleagues (2000) conducted a Systematic
Review (SR) of the literature on religiosity and delinquency. Researchers examined 40
peer-reviewed articles published between 1985 and 1997. Sample sizes ranged from 123
to 34,129 and twenty-five studies did not use random sampling procedures. The majority
of studies used populations that resided within one state and only six studies used samples
that were nationally representative. Two trainers rated the studies for religious measures,
effect of religiosity, and quality of methodology. Seventy-five percent of the studies found
that religiosity had an inverse relationship with delinquency. The two items used most
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frequently to measure religiosity were salience (85%) and attendance (65%). Sixty percent
of the studies used only one or two dimensions to measure religiosity and slightly less than
half used more than two factors. Studies that used demonstrated reliable measures were
more likely to find an inverse relationship between religiosity and delinquency and all
studies that used four or more dimensions to measure religiosity found the same
relationship.
Sexuality
Eleven studies were located that investigated some aspect of the relationship
between religiosity and sexual attitudes, sexual behavior, and use of birth control among
adolescents (see Table 2). Although a variety of data collection and sampling methods
were utilized, ten of the eleven studies applied a cross sectional research design and one
study was longitudinal.
Sexual Attitudes and Sexual Behavior
Nine studies examined the relationship between religiosity and sexual behavior
(Benda & Corwyn, 1997a; 1999; Brewster, Cooksey, Guilkey, & Rindfuss, 1998; DiBlasio
& Benda, 1990; Halpem, Udry, Campbell, Suchindran, & Mason, 1995; Holder, Durant,
Harris, Daniel, Obeidallah, & Goodman 2000; Sheeran, Abrams, Abraham, & Spears,
1993; Udry, Kovenock, Morris, & van den Berg, 1995). Only one of these studies
included an examination of the relationship between religiosity and attitudes about
sexuality (Sheeran, Abrams, Abraham, & Spears, 1993). Four of these studies used
random sampling methods (Benda & Corwyn, 1997a; Brewster, et al. 1998; Halpem, et al.
1995; Sheeran, et al. 1993). Sheeran and colleagues (1993) used a mail survey to collect
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data from 527 youth, ages 15 to 20 years old, with an average age of 17 years. Results
revealed that religiosity was significantly related to conservative sexual attitudes towards
premarital sexual intercourse, negative judgment towards others who are sexually active,
and a lack of anticipation of intercourse in the future. However, religiosity was not
statistically related to virginal status, frequency of sexual type experiences, and frequency
of sexual intercourse. Thus, while religious values and precepts may influence sexual
attitudes they may not influence sexual behavior. Findings also suggested that being raised
Catholic may increase the likelihood of nonvirginal status and that youth may engage in
sexual experiences without intercourse in order to maintain compliance with religious
precepts. Similarly, based on a random sample of 1093 public high school students evenly
distributed across grades 9 through 12, Benda and Corwyn (1997a) concluded that
religiosity was not significantly predictive of the frequency of sexual activity among youth
who were sexually active, but such behavior significantly reduced religiosity.
However, in another study, Brewster and colleagues (1998) reviewed two cycles of
data from a national survey that included information about female adolescent sexual and
contraceptive practices from 1978 to 1984, a time when religious groups were politically
active in family and reproductive issues. Findings suggested that the increase in Christian
fundamentalist groups in national and local politics may account for the decrease in sexual
activity among Caucasian youth. The same could not be said for African American youth
whose sexual activity remained stable during this time period; however, it was noted that
African American fundamentalist groups were also not a part of the national discourse
about adolescent sexuality during this time.
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One longitudinal study examined religiosity and sexual behavior from a biosocial
perspective (Halpem et al., 1995). Every six months, for three years, approximately 100
mostly middle class boys, ages 12 through 13, completed a self-administered questionnaire
and had their testosterone levels checked. Not surprising, during the course of the study,
sexual attitudes and behavior increased while there was a small but significant decrease in
religious participation. Interestingly, the importance of religion as reported by the boys
remained the same. Also, as hypothesized, youth who experienced relatively high levels of
testosterone at an early age, but did not have the social controls of religiosity, were more
likely to engage in sexual activity than youth with low levels of testosterone who were
religiously involved. Boys for whom these two factors were operating in opposite
directions fell somewhere in the middle. There were no interaction effects, meaning that
the variables were operating independently of each other. It was determined that higher
testosterone levels doubled the risk of first intercourse, while frequent church attendance
lowered the risk of first intercourse by two-thirds.
The remaining four studies in this section used convenience sampling methods to
examine adolescent sexual behavior (Benda & Corwyn, 1999; DiBlasio & Benda, 1990;
Holder, et al. 2000; Udry, et al. 1995). Holder and colleagues (2000) elicited 141
questionnaires from adolescents and young adults, ages 11 through 25, with an average age
of 16 years, who presented at an urban, hospital-based adolescent medical clinic. Findings
from this investigation suggested that supportive interpersonal relationships within a body
of faith, particularly between peers, decrease the likelihood of youth engaging in sexual
activity. Likewise, Benda and Corwyn (1999) gathered data using 30-minute telephone
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interviews to 357 adolescents, ages 13 to 17 years old, living in rural Arkansas with all
families receiving AFDC, and found that religious salience was associated with never
having had sexual intercourse. In addition, DiBlasio and Benda (1990) sampled 1,160
students, grades 7 through 12, from ten different private schools across the United States.
Most participants were female (74%) and Caucasian (71%). Eight of ten schools were
affiliated with the Catholic Church, but served children of all religious backgrounds.
Increased sexual activity was associated with youth who reported to have low religious
commitment. Last, Udry and associates (1995) sampled women and daughters from the
California Bay area who participated in a Child Health and Development Study at Kiaser
facilities in the early 1960s. Two hundred and twenty five adult female children were later
interviewed and one question about the age of first intercourse was compared to the
existing data. Among the items that were associated with later ages of first intercourse was
that the family attended church together.
Birth Control
Three studies were located that investigated the influence of religiosity on the use
of birth control among adolescents (Benda & Corwyn, 1999; Brewster, Cooksey, Guilkey,
& Rindfuss, 1998; Gibson, 1991). The methodology of two of these studies (Benda &
Corwyn, 1999; Brewster et al. 1998) has previously been described. Brewster and
colleagues (1998) concluded that African American youth are more likely than Caucasian
youth to forego any contraceptive protection at time of first intercourse. Foregoing
contraceptive protection was most notable among Protestant fundamentalist groups for
African Americans, and among Protestant fundamentalist and Catholic groups for
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Caucasians. In contrast, Benda and Corwyn (1999) determined that youth who were
sexually active and always used birth control had a higher church attendance, were more
likely to be African American, have a stronger attachment to mother, and currently did not
want a baby. The above functions were stronger discriminants than parental supervision
and family support.
Another study by Gibson (1991) looked exclusively at the importance of birth
control among 240 Hispanic females, ages 12 through 18 years, from seven New York
City high schools, who completed a pre-evaluation form before they participated in a
voluntary school-based pregnancy prevention program. Thirty-three percent reported to
have had sexual intercourse at least once. Differences in religious affiliation were not
significantly related to attitude toward birth control. However, among other items, youth
who reported religion as very important were more likely to view birth control as
unimportant. According to Gibson (1991) this may suggest that more traditional beliefs
may contribute to the formation of attitudes toward birth control. Unfortunately, the status
of youth’s sexual activity was not evaluated so a comparison with the other two studies
cannot be made. If they could be compared, it might suggest that religiosity’s influence on
attitudes and decision-making about active use of birth control may depend upon whether
or not a youth is abstinent, already sexually active, or having sex for the first time.
Religiosity and Childhood Functioning: Summary of Findings
Well-Being and Coping
Overall, seventeen out of twenty-two studies presented in this section suggested
that religiosity is positively related to various aspects of childhood well-being and healthy
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coping (Benda & Corwyn, 2000; Brega & Coleman, 1999; Brown & Gary, 1991; Cook,
2000; Dai, 1996; Glover, 1996; Haight, 1998; Jessor, Trubin & Costa, 1998; Jones &
Francis, 1996; Lindsey, Kurtz, Jarvis, Williams & Nackerud, 2000; Markstrom, 1999;
Mosher & Handal, 1997; Rednick, Harris & Blum, 1993; Shortz & Worthington, 1994;
Wright, Frost & Wisecarver, 1993). However, it should be noted that these studies
represent a wide variety of aspects of childhood functioning. For example, only one study
pertained to health-related behavior (Jessor, Trubin & Costa, 1998) and only two studies
pertained to psychosocial functioning (Rednick, Harris & Blum, 1993; Mosher & Handal,
1997). Self-esteem was positively related to religiosity in only one out of three studies
(Jones & Francis, 1996). This may be a matter of how self-esteem was measured. Table 2
shows that the two studies that found religiosity was not positively related to self-esteem
used the same instrument to measure self-esteem (Maton, Teti, Corns, Vieria-Baker,
Lavine, Gouze & Keating, 1996; Markstrom, 1999).
The results of the studies that investigated the relationship between religiosity and
depression also seemed to be mixed with only one out of four studies finding that
religiosity contributed to decreased depression (Wright, Frost & Wisecarver, 1993). It is
suggested, however, that this may be related to context. For example, studies regarding
youth that were pregnant and not in accordance with religious doctrine demonstrated that
religiosity was either not related (Maton, Teti, Corns, Vieria-Baker, Lavine, Gouze &
Keating, 1996), or in one study, negatively related to their well-being (Sorenson,
Grindstaff & Turner, 1995). This would seem to indicate that the benefits of religiosity are
limited and that religiosity may even be detrimental depending upon the context or
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circumstances in which youth need support. Last, all three studies in the category of
educational performance suggested a positive relationship between religiosity and
educational achievement (Dai, 1996; Brown & Gary, 1996; Markstrom, 1999).
Control Theory
Overall there appears to be support for a reciprocal relationship between religiosity
and the deviant behaviors of substance use and delinquency when appropriate statistical
analysis is used that can account for this effect. Four out of five studies that tested control
theory and substance use (Benda, 1997; Benda & Corwyn, 1997a; Benda & Corwyn, 2000;
Corwyn, Benda & Ballard, 1997) and three out of six studies that tested control theory and
delinquency (Benda, 1997; Benda &Corwyn, 1997a; Johnson, Jang, Larson & Deli, 2001)
found a reciprocal relationship. Only one study suggested religiosity did not contribute to
decreased delinquent behavior (Evans, Cullen, Burton, Dunaway, Payne & Kethineni,
1996). In addition, three out of five studies regarding religiosity and substance use (Benda,
1997; Benda &Corwyn, 1997a; Corwyn, Benda & Ballard, 1997) and four out of six
studies regarding religiosity and delinquency (Benda, 1997; Benda & Corwyn, 1997a;
Benda & Whiteside, 1995; Johnson, Jang, Larson & Deli, 2001) found that religiosity
indirectly contributed to decreased deviant behavior by contributing to the social bond of
beliefs that people should adhere to the moral validity of societal norms and laws.
However, many of these same studies also found religiosity to have a direct effect to deter
deviant behavior suggesting that religiosity may have both mediating and moderating
effects.
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Hypothesis of Antiascetism, Proscriptiveness, and Religious Community Context
Only one out of two studies regarding religiosity and substance use (Cochran &
Akers, 1989) and only one out of three studies regarding religiosity and delinquency
(Evans, Cullen, Burton, Dunaway, Payne & Kethineni, 1996) found support for the
antiascetism hypothesis, which suggests that the hypothesis may lack merit. The
hypothesis regarding denominational proscriptiveness was tested only in studies that
examined the relationship between religiosity and substance use. All five studies
supported this hypothesis (Amey, Albrecht & Miller, 1996; Cochran & Akers, 1989;
Kutter & McDermott, 1997; Miller, Davies & Greenwald, 2000: Stark, 1996), but one of
these studies found support only among Caucasian youth (Amey, Albrecht & Miller,
1996), while another study suggested that there was an interactive effect with both
abstinence and increased binge drinking associated with religious proscriptiveness (Kutter
& McDermott, 1997).
Findings of the studies that examined religious community context were also
varied. None of the three studies regarding religiosity and substance use found that
religious context made a difference in religiosity’s ability to deter this behavior (Benda,
1995; Cochran & Akers, 1989; Stark, 1996). In regards to delinquent and criminal
behavior, excluding the historical findings of Hirschi and Stark (1969) and Higgins and
Albrecht (1977) which initiated the development of the hypothesis, only two of the four
subsequent studies found support that religious community context contributed to
religiosity’s ability to deter deviant behavior (Stark, 1996; Stark, Kent & Doyle, 1982).
Interestingly, the study that defined religious community context by comparing rural and
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urban communities found no support for the religious community context hypothesis in
regards to religiosity’s effect on substance use or delinquency (Benda, 1995). However, in
another study where religious community context was defined as degree of religiousness
across the nation, the hypothesis was supported for delinquency but not for substance use
(Stark, 1996).
Sexual Attitudes and Behavior
Six out of eight studies reported a negative relationship between religiosity and
sexual activity, meaning that the more religious a youth was the less likely he or she would
be sexually active (Benda & Corwyn, 1999; Brewster, Cooksey, Guilkey & Rindfuss,
1998; DiBlasio & Benda, 1990; Halpern, Udry, Campbell, Suchindran & Mason, 1994;
Holder, Durant, Harris, Daniel, Obeidallah & Goodman, 2000; Udry, Kovenock, Morris &
van den Berg, 1995). Religious proscriptiveness also appeared to play a role in the
likelihood of youth engaging in sexual activity, although based on this one study (Sheeran,
Abrams, Abraham & Spears, 1993) it is unsure if religious proscriptiveness would more
likely increase or decrease youth’s sexual involvement. The use of birth control was
positively associated with religiosity in two studies (Brewster, Cooksey, Guilkey &
Rindfuss, 1998) and negatively related to attitude toward birth control in one study
(Gibson, 1991). However, it was suggested that youth who were religious might also be
abstinent and therefore may view birth control as unimportant (Gibson, 1991).
African Americans and Other Ethnic Groups
Several studies exclusively sampled and investigated religiosity’s ability to offer
resilience to African American youth or youth from other ethnic groups. Combining all
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studies from the sections of well-being, substance use, and delinquency, eight out of nine
studies suggested that religiosity acts as a protective factor for these youth (Belgrave,
Townsen, Cherry & Cunningham, 1997; Brega & Coleman, 1999; Cook, 2000; Haight,
1998; Jagers, 1996; Johnson, Jang, De Li & Larson, 2000; Zimmerman & Matton, 1992),
and only one study reported findings that suggested partial support in that religiosity was
negatively related to only some substance abusing behaviors among this group (Amey,
Albrecht & Miller, 1996).
Religiosity and Childhood Functioning: Critique of Scope and Methodology
As previously reviewed, the resiliency model appears to be in the process of
gaining semantic clarity. At this stage of development, the theory is useful in identifying
the factors that contribute to risk and protection, but it is less clear in explaining how
protective factors may operate. Elaborations of control theory help to clarify how, or under
what conditions, religiosity may function as a protective factor. These include the
antiascetic hypothesis, the proscriptiveness hypothesis, and the effect of religious
community context. Unfortunately, within these elaborations the concepts and hypotheses
are not consistently defined or operationalized. For example, the concept of what
constitutes antiascetic behavior is not clear. In one study antiascetic behavior was defined
only as alcohol and marijuana use (Cochran & Akers, 1989). Yet, in other studies
antiascetic behavior included not only drug and alcohol use but also running away,
creating fake excuses for not attending school, and skipping school (Benda, 1995; Benda &
Corwyn, 1997b), and gambling, paying for sexual relations, and obscenity offenses (Evans,
Cullen, Burton, Dunaway, Paynes & Kethineni, 1995). The lack of conceptual clarity was
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less of a problem with the proscriptive hypothesis, which was more consistently defined by
categorizing religious faiths by degrees of conservatism. In the case of religious
community context, it has been defined throughout the literature by religiousness across
the nation (Stark, Kent & Doyle, 1982; Stark, 1996), religiousness of close friends (Evans,
Cullen, Burton, Dunary, Payne & Kethineni, 1995), rural compared to urban communities
(Benda, 1995), and the percentage of youth within a school district who reported to be
religious (Cochran & Akers, 1989).
Religiosity, itself, is another concept that has been inconsistently defined and
operationalized. Within this review religiosity has been defined at least ten different ways.
The most frequently used items were church attendance and religious salience. Only
sixteen studies used a religiosity scale (Benda, 1995; Benda, 1997; Benda & Corwyn,
1997a; Benda & Corwyn, 1997b; Benda & Corwyn, 2000; Benda & Whiteside, 1995;
Corwyn, Benda & Ballard, 1997; Evans, Cullen, Burton, Dunaway, Payne & Kethineni,
1995; Glover, 1996; Holder, Durant, Harris, Daniel, Obeidallah & Goodman, 2000; Jones
& Francis, 1996; Miller, Davies & Greenwald, 2000; Mosher & Handal, 1997; Sheeran,
Abraham, Abraham & Spears, 1993; Stark, Kent & Doyle, 1982; Wright, Frost &
Wisecarver, 1993), the most frequently used was the multidimensional religiosity
instrument adopted by Woodruff (1985). Of those studies that did not use a religiosity
scale, the majority used only one or two items to measure religiosity. However, unlike the
systematic review conducted by Johnson and colleagues (2000), the vast majority of
studies that used one or two items to measure religiosity found support that religiosity
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functions as a protective factor as did studies that used a multi-dimensional religiosity
scale.
In terms of sampling, 28 of the 50 studies used probability sampling methods
(Benda, 1995; Benda, 1997; Benda & Corwyn, 1997a; Benda & Corwyn, 1997b; Benda &
Corwyn, 2000; Benda & Whiteside, 1995; Brega & Coleman, 1999; Brown & Gary, 1991;
Cochran & Akers, 1989; Corwyn, Benda & Ballard, 1997; Jessor, Trubin & Costa, 1998;
Halpern, Udry, Campbell, Suchindran & Mason, 1994; Higgins & Albrecht, 1977; Hirschi
& Stark, 1969; Johnson, Jang, Larson & Deli, 2001; Rednick, Harris & Blum, 1993;
Sheeran, Abrams, Abraham & Spears, 1993; Stark, Kent & Doyle, 1982; Yarnold &
Patterson, 1998; Yarnold, 1999) and eight studies used data from national surveys
(Albrecht, Amey & Miller, 1996; Amey, Albrecht & Miller, 1996; Brewster, Cooksey,
Guilkey & Rindfuss, 1998; Dai, 1996; Johnson, Jang, De Li, Larson, 2000; Miller &
Hoffmann, 1995; Miller, Davies & Greenwald, 2000; Stark, 1996). Even though six
studies conducted by Benda and associates used the same randomly sampled youth, a
considerable number of studies that were reviewed offer generalizability. Excluding
studies that used data from national surveys, and one exceptionally large study of 36,254
youth from the Minnesota Adolescent Health data base (Rednick, Harris & Blum, 1993),
sample sizes ranged from 12 to 4,077 with an average sample size of 773 youth.
The majority of studies were descriptive or explanatory in nature and sought to
determine those variables that deterred deviant behavior, or to test theory or hypothesis
about the conditions under which religiosity functions as a protective factor. Very few
studies used comparison groups and most studies approached causality through the use of
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multivariate statistics. In terms of research design, only three studies used a longitudinal
research design (Brewster, Cooksey, Guilkey & Rindfuss, 1998; Halpem, Udry, Campbell,
Suchindran & Mason, 1994; Johnson, Jang, Larson & Deli, 2001), two of these were
qualitative in nature (Haight, 1998; Lindsey, Kurtz, Jarvis, Williams, Nackerun) and one
was a systematic review of the literature (Johnson, Larson & McCullough, 2000). The
remaining studies used cross sectional research design, which are based on observations at
one point in time. The only difficulty with this design is that we cannot study the
developmental sequence of the effects of religiosity over time. Another disadvantage to
cross sectional studies is that they may not be able to account for the cultural climate
regarding religion that may change over the years or decades. Since religiosity is a
fluctuating phenomena that falls in or out of favor over time, this might mean that findings
from a study in 1980 may not be as applicable to youth in 2003.
This review of the literature indicates that there has been a fairly broad range of
investigations that pertain to religiosity and varying aspects of childhood functioning.
However, while the scope of investigations have ranged from health related behaviors, to
depression, substance use, delinquency, educational achievements, and so on, the vast
majority of these endeavors are limited to children who are above the age of thirteen. This
is understandable, since obtaining reliable information from younger children is a difficult
undertaking. Nonetheless, there is a considerable gap in knowledge as to how religiosity
may or may not benefit younger children.
In summary, consistent operationalization of the key concept “religiosity” and
clarification of what constitutes antiascetic and nonantiascetic behavior as well as a
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religious community will help to further research in this area. Further exploration into the
conditions under which religiosity may be an asset or a hindrance, as in the case of
pregnant unwed mothers or binge drinking of alcohol, would seem fruitful as well.
Longitudinal studies might help to further our understanding of the developmental
trajectory, if any, regarding religiosity’s protective abilities. Further, qualitative studies
may help clarify the key benefits of religiosity. For example, if studies operationalized
religiosity as attending church, what about this is beneficial? Control theory provides
some partial explanation, but what else may religiosity offer? The qualitative studies that
have been reviewed suggest that church attendance provides a safe and positive supervised
environment to socialize with peers, mentorship, a set of guidelines for good behavior, and
a relationship with a higher power. However, some of these benefits can be found in
nonreligious organizations and so further research might inquire about what it is that may,
or may not, be unique about religious settings.
Theoretical Review of Spirituality and Children
This section will review five theoretical contributions found in the literature
regarding children and spirituality. It will include spirituality of children from three
different perspectives: transpersonal, tripartite, and experiential. Although there is obvious
overlap among these categories, each theorist provides her or his own unique perspective
that contributes to this body of knowledge. Following the theoretical review of children’s
spirituality will be an examination of the limited numbers of empirical studies that are
available that investigate some aspect of the theoretical perspectives presented.
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Transpersonal Perspective
In Latin, the term trans can mean either connecting, through, or beyond, and the
word personal has its Latin roots in the word persona, which means mask. Put together
they help explain the word transpersonal to mean looking through and going beyond the
ego (i.e., mask, or persona) to connect with all egos, or all others (Fennell & Weinhold,
1989). However, transpersonal does not mean without ego or without the personal, rather
it refers to having ego, plus beyond ego. In other words, as Wilber (1995) emphasizes,
“transpersonal means ‘personal plus’ not ‘personal minus’” (p. 280). Transpersonal
theories assume that spiritual fulfillment is the ultimate goal of human development and
spirituality should be the basic foundation for understanding the human psyche (Washburn,
1995). Transpersonal theories “concern our highest aspirations and potentials and our
needs for love, meaning, creativity, and communion with other people and the universe”
(Robbins, Chatterjee, & Canda, 1998, p. 360). Spiritual development, which is sometimes
referred to as consciousness development, is our ability to transcend the limitations of our
ego identity and become fully consciously aware of our true nature, which is deeply
connected with all other beings, the natural world, and the cosmos (Metzer, 1979; Robbins
et al., 1998; Vaughan, 1980; Walsh, & Vaughn, 1993; Wilber, 1995, 1996). This section
will review three prominent transpersonal theories as they pertain to children’s and youth’s
spiritual development.
Fowler’s Theory of Faith Development
Fowler (1995) refers to his work as a theory of faith development. However, faith
is not meant to refer to any particular religious belief; rather his definition of faith begins
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with an existential orientation that universally humans make and require meaning and
purpose in their lives. In this regard, faith is broader and more inclusive than belonging to
any religious group or maintaining religious beliefs. It is how we go about creating and
maintaining meaning and organizing our lives in ways that are worthwhile and powerful
enough to sustain our existence. Faith, then, is the expression of what we find meaningful.
It is the force field in which we shape our lives and move into life. Fowler’s broad
description of faith is similar to spirituality as it is conceptualized and commonly defined
in social work (Robbins, Chatterjee, & Canda, 1998; Sheridan, 2003).
An important aspect of faith is that it is always relational to something. It is where
we place our loyalties, align ourselves, and “rest our hearts,” in the things that have the
power to transcend us such as persons, causes, institutions, or Gods. In this way, faith
helps to provide order, unity, and coherence to our lives. It also forms an identity that
becomes firmly entrenched in who we think we are. These relationships that bind us to
each other and to shared trusts and loyalties help bring about an imagining of an ultimate
environment. Ultimate environment in this sense refers to the most comprehensive
absolute reality about life’s existence. It is the largest frame of reference or backdrop for
how we make sense of our lives. How we imagine the ultimate environment influences the
way we perceive and live our lives and it is continually being revised as we experience life.
It is represented, shared, and expressed through our metaphors, rituals, master stories,
symbols, and concepts.
Fowler describes the process of faith development as a spiraling upward
movement. As the movement spirals upward it expands and becomes increasingly wider,
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which represents the increased growth of understanding of the complexity of ourselves,
others, the world, and the universe around us. As it rises, rather than spiraling straight up,
the movement gently spirals out to one side and then bows back again. This bowing
represents the movement of faith that begins with oneness in infancy, bowing out towards
independence as the child develops, and bending back again to oneness as the person
matures. Typically, there is a biological, cognitive, psychological, and moral readiness
that accompanies the move from one faith stage to another. At each transition, the life
issues that pertain to faith are once again revisited and previous master stories, themes, or
worldviews are reconsidered and revised. Because the challenge to relinquish previous
ways of faith can be painful and dislocating, the experience of transition may be aborted.
If growth occurs, previous patterns of faith are not discarded or replaced, but are absorbed,
integrated, and recontextualized into a faith that is more complex and results in a
“widening of vision and valuing” (p. 274). This results in a greater sense of self-hood and
increased intimacy with others and the world.
Fowler’s developmental stages represent a continuous flow of movement along a
continuum. No one is simply “at” a stage; rather, someone may be 50% at one stage, 30%
in the previous stage, and 20% in the proceeding stage. Although each stage is typically
associated with a particular age, once a person reaches concrete operational thought, it is
not unusual for some people to remain at one stage of faith throughout their entire lives,
even though their cognitive abilities may continue to develop. When earlier stages are
found in older adults it is because they have found a particular stage to be a permanent
place of equilibrium. Spiritual beliefs serve the person until it is no longer useful, and
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therefore, there are no value judgments placed on persons at different stages. Stages
should not be viewed as measures of achievement nor should they be thought of as goals
for people to attain.
Fowler’s stages of faith integrate the cognitive, moral, and psychosocial
developmental theories of Piaget, Kohlberg, and Erikson. Although Fowler maintains that
faith is a universal human feature, he does not claim that the stages are universal. The
stages, however, are empirically grounded in 359 in-depth interviews conducted between
1972 and 1981 in Boston, Chicago, and Toronto. The sample was overwhelmingly
Caucasian (98%), mostly Christian (82%), equally divided by sex, and ranged from 3.5 to
84 years of age.
If you include the pre-stage of infancy, there are a total of seven stages in Fowler’s
theory of faith development. However, only the first five stages that pertain to infancy,
early childhood, middle childhood, adolescents, and young adulthood will be reviewed
here. The following descriptions integrate many of Fowler’s writings but the vast majority
of information is drawn from his original study (Fowler, 1995).
Pre-stage: Undifferentiated Faith (Infancy). The infant first learns about the
ultimate environment and pre-images of God through the relationship with his or her
parents. Consistent nurturing from the parents conveys to the child that the universe is safe
and can be trusted. Negative experiences produce pre-images of the ultimate environment
as untrustworthy, punitive, or arbitrary and God as undependable. Life experiences at this
stage form the foundation for all that comes later in faith development. Because the
relationship between child and caregiver is symbiotic, meaning that the child lacks a
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differentiated awareness of self, or other, the child does not have a reflective experience of
conscious awareness.
Stage 1: Intuitive Projective Faith (age 2 to 6 years). At this age the child has
begun to develop speech and symbolic representation and is busy pointing to things and
naming them. This helps the child to organize his environment in more meaningful ways.
However, the child’s thinking is typically precausal, meaning that he does not have a good
understanding of cause and effect. Because of this, the child’s way of knowing about how
things work and what they mean is often based on intuition and imagination or fantasy.
For the child at this age, events occur as if by magic. The child knows about God, the
ultimate environment, and the sacred by what she has been told by her caregivers and
others whom she sees as powerful. Sources of knowledge about God also come from
images on t.v., stories, and other adults in the child’s life. While fantasy and imagination
can be a source of strength at this stage, it can also be a source of distress if the child is
intentionally or unintentionally exposed to frightful or violent religious images. The child
begins to have self-awareness at this stage, but the child remains egocentric and is limited,
if not unable, to take the perspective of others. As the child experiences power and
powerlessness she or he develops an existential orientation about safety and security and
the power of others to provide these things.
Stage 2: Mythic-Literal Faith (age 7 to adolescence, and beyond). The mythic-
literal stage of spiritual development is characterized by fairness and justice based on
reciprocity. God is seen as fair and just and reciprocity can take the form of owing God for
a favor or doing good deeds in order to “bank” future favors. Because the divine-human
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relationship is based on this reciprocity, God can often be remote and impersonal.
Symbols are usually taken as literal in meaning. Tradition and authority are highly
influential. With concrete operational thought the child now has the ability to identify fact
from fantasy or imagination and can think in terms of process and make inferences about
cause and effect. Story telling gives meaning and unity to the spiritual experience,
however, there is little reflection upon the meaning of the stories or experiences. As
evident in the concern about reciprocity, this stage has an increased ability to take on the
perspective of others.
Stage 3: Synthetic-Conventional Faith (early adolescence, and beyond). Transition
into stage 3 begins when there is a contradiction or disaccord in stories about faith that one
must reflect upon and account for the meaning in some way, which is now possible with
formal operational thought. For example, when “bad things happen to good people” the
notion of reciprocity is no longer viable.
With formal operational thought adolescents can now step outside of their own
experience and reflect upon it. They can create a personal myth, a story about their stories.
Because adolescents can think hypothetically, they are acutely aware of what others may
think of them and are highly self-conscious. Significant others offer an important “mirror”
for the developing personality and for faith development. At this stage, “the adolescent’s
religious hunger is for a God who knows, and accepts and confirms the self deeply”
(Fowler, 1995, p. 153). Images of transcendence for the adolescent is based on a
relationship where God is viewed as a personal significant other.
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Synthetic-Conventional faith is a conformist stage. This means that the person is
acutely aware of the opinion of others and does not yet have his own sense of identity, or a
real sense of who he is, to form his own views and convictions independently of those who
are important to him and who may pass judgment. In this way authority resides outside of
one’s self. It is called conventional because the person assumes her belief to be the same
as everyone else, and synthetic because it is nonanalytical and nonreflective. Symbols are
strongly connected if not inseparable from their meaning and any threat to the symbol feels
like a threat to its meaning and an attack on the sacred that grounds the person’s identity.
The transition from stage 3 to stage 4 begins with a critical reflection of tacit knowledge
and value systems, which encourages a more personal responsibility for choice of values
and membership in communities that are like-minded. Leaving home either physically,
emotionally or both often facilitate this transition.
Stage 4: Individuative-Reflective Faith (late adolescence to young adulthood, and
beyond). This stage is marked by an interruption and a shift where there is no longer a
reliance on external authorities, but authority is now relocated and found within the self.
Previously, identity was supported by a given or almost predetermined group membership
of family, friends, and other social groups. However, with new experiences, such as
leaving home, a wider perspective is gained. Along with this, there is a more conscious
choice of groups, which affirms a deeper understanding of a self that has now been more
contemplated and examined. There is critical reflection about identity, selfhood, and
worldview. This is a time when one takes on the burden and enjoys the freedom of
ownership and responsibility for his or her commitments and beliefs. Individuality, self
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fulfillment, and self-actualization begin to take on more importance than being for others.
Faith is no longer considered to be like all others, but is recognized as a differentiated,
personally unique perspective. In stage 3, symbols and their sacred power were
indistinguishable, but in stage 4, the person can recognize the symbol as a symbol of a
concept. This recognition may often be experienced as a loss, or dislocation, and the
person may experience guilt. The gains, however, are that symbolic meanings are now
explicitly understood and can be compared and applied to other concepts and propositions.
Wilber’s Model of Full Spectrum Consciousness
Wilber’s full spectrum consciousness is a comprehensive grand theory that
integrates biology, psychology, sociology, philosophy, history, and religion. It combines
the Western developmental perspectives of the ego and the Eastern contemplative
perspectives that map the transcendence of the ego. Although the focus here is on human
development of the individual, Wilber’s theory also accounts for consciousness
development at the collective or societal level and does not ignore the interactive influence
of these domains. The following summary is based on an integration of several of
Wilber’s writings (1986, 1995, 1996, 2000).
Like Fowler, Wilber maintains that spirituality is not the same thing as religion.
Spirituality is not located within a set of beliefs, or based on what is done in any particular
church; rather, the spiritual lies within a person’s “heart”, and is based on a foundation of
experience. According to Wilber, spirituality is the awakening of one’s true Self, which is
an evolutionary process based on the assumption that we are all spirit, contain depth,
consciousness, and intrinsic value. In other words, spirit exists within us and within all
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other things in the universe. Spiritual development, or consciousness development, is the
awakening of our spiritual nature, an uncovering of our depth and spirit. There are three
key components to understanding the process of spiritual development: basic structures,
transitional structures, and the self-system.
Basic Structures (the ladder). Wilber’s basic structure of spiritual development is
based upon patterns that are found in the process of evolution wherever it occurs.
Essential to this basic structure and developmental process is the understanding that the
universe is holarchical, meaning that it is comprised of holons. There is nothing that is not
a holon, that is both whole in and of itself in one context, but at the same time also a part of
something larger in another context. Reality is based on holons, there is no ultimate
whole, and everything is whole/part from matter to life to mind to Spirit. Wilber uses the
example that you must first have letters to make words, words to make sentences,
sentences to make paragraphs, paragraphs to make a story, and so on.
Built into the fabric of the universe there is a basic drive to, grow to create, and to
transcend. Thus, holons emerge creatively and new forms emerge out of parts. Creativity
is another name for spirit and Wilber refers to holarchy as “Spirit in Action.” The natural
growth or developmental process is that holons emerge holoarchically meaning that “what
is a whole at one stage becomes a part of a larger whole at the next stage” (Wilber, 1995,
p. 17). This evolution, which includes the spiritual developmental process, has a type of
ranking with directionality of increasing order of differentiation and complexity,
wholeness and inclusion.
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As holons emerge they transcend and go beyond what was before. This is a
process of unfolding and enfolding its predecessor. In other words, it preserves and
incorporates what was there previously, but emerges with its own qualities. If any holon is
destroyed, all other holons above it are destroyed, but the holons below it will remain. To
use the same example as before, if we take away paragraphs we still have sentences, take
away the sentences, we still have words, without words the letters remain, and so on.
Higher holons are dependent upon lower holons for their survival, but not the other way
around. All the elements of the lower holon will be in the holon above it, but not all
elements of the higher holon will be in the holon below it.
Each successive level of evolution produces greater depth of consciousness, but
less span, or abundance, in the number of holons that exist. For example, among the more
abundant type of holons, such as insects, there will be less depth, less consciousness. And,
where there are fewer numbers of holons, such as humans, there will be more depth of
consciousness, but less span. In other words, the less abundant the holons the more depth.
The same principal applies to the stages of spiritual development. There are fewer people
with greater depth at the higher stages and far more individuals with less depth at the lower
stages.
There are nine basic structures (holons), or stages, in Wilber’s spectrum of
consciousness. These are considered to be cross-cultural and universal. Once they emerge
in development, they tend to remain in existence throughout the individual’s life. Each
basic structure supports the transitional structures, or self-stages, of that particular stage as
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the person, climber, or self-system, grows and develops. Each of these terms is discussed
in greater detail below.
Transitional Structures (self stages or view). Wilber makes a distinction between
the basic structures, which once they come into existence tend to remain in existence, and
transitional structures that tend to dissolve or be negated at the next stage of development.
Transitional structures are considered to be self-stages or “the view.” For example, at each
stage of development the person identifies with the basic structure in which they are
situated and experience expanded awareness that leads to a different view of self, others,
and of the world. Aspects of the different world-views include experience of a different
self-identity, different self-need, and different type of moral stance. A basic structure is
the foundation that provides the view from which these transitional structures are
expressed and asserted. Therefore, transitional structures are not maintained, but change as
a person moves from one basic structure to the next.
Self-System (the climber). The self-system has to climb and negotiate the basic
structures. The characteristics of the self include identification, organization, will or
attention, defense, metabolism, and navigation. Identification refers to that aspect of the
self-system that is referred to as “I/me.” This is in contrast to that which is referred to, or
thought of, as “not I/me.” Organization refers to the aspect of the self-system that attempts
to give unity to the mind. Will refers to the locus of free choice that is limited by the basic
structure at which the self-system currently occupies. Defense refers to the necessary
defense mechanisms that are also bound by the limitations of the basic structure.
Metabolism refers to the task of the self-system to digest and absorb or make sense of
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experiences. Failed metabolism can lead to pathology. Navigation refers to four different
directional pulls from which a self-system must find equilibrium. The vertical pulls are the
pulls to transcend, descend, or stay at the present level. The horizontal pulls are the pulls
of self preservation that occur while at a particular level. They refer to the balance
between autonomy and self-adaptation and how to accommodate the self to the larger
whole.
The term “fulcrum” is used to describe the process of navigation, like coming to a
fork in the road, which the self-system uses to differentiate and integrate as it moves along
in development. There are nine fulcrums that correspond to the nine basic structures. At
every fulcrum there is a 1-2-3 process of 1) the self-system identifies and “is one” with the
basic structure, 2) the self-system begins to dis-identify with that stage as it begins to move
towards the next stage, and 3) the self-system begins to identify with the new stage but
must also integrate the previous stage.
Wilber refers to the metaphor of a ladder to describe the spiritual developmental
process. The ladder represents the basic structures (holons) in which the climber (self-
system) is supported as it progresses in development. As the climber negotiates the
fulcrum at each rung, the climber experiences a different view (transitional stages). The
view, in its totality, is the increased unfolding awareness of consciousness, reality is
different at each stage because the world is different. Should any rung on the ladder be
destroyed, the rungs above will be destroyed, but the lower rungs will remain.
Difficulties can occur at any of the developmental stages and parts of the self can
get left behind. This affects future development because the part that is left behind does
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not continue to climb the ladder of development. Peak experiences of consciousness at any
stage, can and do occur; however, they usually remain bound and are limited to the
interpretation of what is offered by the basic structure at which the person currently
resides. The society or culture in which a person lives, acts like a magnet that pulls the
person toward the center of gravity. A society or culture will elevate those individuals
who are at lower stages of development and pull-down those at higher stages of
development. There are, however, a few brave and gifted individuals who, often at their
own risk of being outcasts, remain at a higher level of development than the cultural or
societal average.
As previously stated, there are nine basic structures to Wilber’s transpersonal
theory of development. However, only the first six will be discussed, as they are the ones
that pertain to children and youth.
Primary Matrix (undifferentiated infancy). The primary matrix is a fusion state
where the physical self and the physical world are undifferentiated and there is no
distinction made between subject and objects. In other words, the infant cannot tell the
difference between the self (its thumb) and material in the environment (a chair). Wilber
explains that some theorists seem to confuse this stage with a type of cosmic heaven.
However, according to Wilber, there really is no depth at this stage, rather it is extremely
shallow. The infant is in a state of all encompassing narcissism and cannot take on the role
of the other and because of this, there is no capacity for inter subjective love and
compassion, tolerance, or benevolence.
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Sensori-physical (age 0 to 2 years). At this stage, the infant learns to distinguish
itself as separate from its environment. By the end of this stage the infant has developed
object permanence, meaning that it now knows that the physical environment exists
outside of and independent from the self. This differentiation is described as the hatching
or birth of the physical self and thus consciousness is grounded in the physical body.
Failure to negotiate this stage and establish a physical boundary between self and
environment has the potential future pathology of reality distortion with psychosis,
hallucinations, delusions of reference, schizophrenia, and severe affective disorders.
Phantasmic-emotional (age 2 to 4 years). Although the child has now
differentiated its physical self from its environment, it has yet to do this with its emotional
self. Emotional fusion means that the child feels as those in the environment feel,
particularly the primary caregiver. The other side of this is that the world is also seen as an
emotional extension of itself, meaning that the world feels as it feels. What the child feels
and wants, is what others in the world feel and want. The child at this stage cannot take on
the perspective of others because it does not know other perspectives exist.
At the end of this stage, however, there is the birth of the emotional self.
Emotional boundaries between self and others are discernable. The child understands that
what it feels and wants is independent from what others feel and want. This can be joyful
because it is growth, but it can also be painful for the child to realize that it is separate from
others and is vulnerable to alienation and emotional suffering. The world-view at this
stage is magical and animistic. Since the child cannot clearly distinguish symbols from the
objects they represent, the child assumes that it is his or her thoughts that control and
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govern the world. If this stage is not negotiated-successfully the pathology of not
developing a sense of emotional boundaries, and a stable, coherent, emotional self, may
result in either narcissistic or borderline personality disorders.
Representational-mind (age 4 to 7 years). The representational mind, similar to
preoperational thinking, can use images, symbols, and concepts. From this a child gains
the awareness of a mental self that is the trademark of this stage. With the emergence of
the mental self, or mind, and the development of using and understanding language, the
child learns the word “no” and the child learns that it has a “will” and that it can control
bodily functions, drives, and desires. It is with language that we learn to differentiate mind
from body. Because the mind transcends the body and emotions, it can normally and
naturally integrate and include the lower bodily impulses and emotions; however, if the
“no’s” are carried too far, it can deny, disassociate, and repress them. Thus, the possible
future pathology at this stage is a type of neurotic repression typically of sexual or
aggressive impulses. An excessive defense mechanism at this stage, or any other stage,
distorts integrity and contributes to the development of a false self. This lie about the self
remains hidden and unconscious from the true self and, while intending to protect the true
self, it also limits its potential.
The world-view at this stage progresses from magical to mythical. The magical
belief that one’s thoughts can control the world is realized as false, but this notion is
transferred to the belief that others larger and more powerful than ourselves can control the
world and thus, we create our myths and our archetypes. In addition, with the realization
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that the power to control the world does not reside in you, there is the introduction of
bargaining, prayer, and ritual to appeal to those forces that do.
With preoperational thinking, the child still cannot easily take on the perspective of
others. The blessing of this stage is that the child now has a sense of time, a sense of the
past and of the future, but with this comes experiences of worry or anxiety about what may
come to be and feelings of guilt or regret about things in the past.
Rule/role mind (age 7 to 11 years). This stage ushers in concrete operational
thinking, which gives the child the capacity to form mental rules and mental roles. With
these new skills the child learns its role in society and can begin to take the perspective and
understand the roles of others. The child can know that its view is not the only view and it
can begin to imagine and understand what it might be like to experience what others
experience. This step is a profound shift from previous stages. There is a decrease in
egocentrism and the child moves from egocentric to sociocentric, or ethnocentric. This
expansion of self-identity, however, is extended only as far as to include their group as the
only group that matters. This also corresponds with a need for belongingness and
conformity. The mythic world-view continues.
While most of these social roles are positive, if problems occur at this stage, it
shows up later as “script pathology,” which is having difficulty with one’s learned roles
assigned by society, family, or peers that may now be outdated or were never true. Wilber
refers to these as “false and distorted social masks and myths” (1996, p. 183) that are
treated with cognitive and narrative type therapies, which replace the distorted negative
beliefs or script about one’s self with a more positive accurate interpretation.
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The previously discussed three stages, in general, have been prepersonal, or
preegoic, meaning that the child does not yet have an ego. These are the most egocentric
stages of all. Now the child moves into a less egocentric phase of life; the personal, or
egoic stages of developing an ego.
Formal-reflexive Mind (adolescence and beyond). With the emergence of formal
operational thinking persons can perform operations in their minds, which means they can
think about thinking. With this growth introspection and self-reflection become possible.
The person is intrigued and explores the thoughts from within. The rules and roles of
society that were previously unexamined are now questioned. Once again, the person
differentiates, awareness increases, the person can compare him or herself to the norm, and
the roles with which the person was previously fused are no longer their exclusive identity.
In addition, the person can realize that her or his group’s ideology is not the only view. He
or she can think about the world and dream of other possibilities. The person moves from
sociocentric to worldcentric, which seeks more universal truths such as justice, equality,
reciprocity, and compassion. The worldcentric view is maintained throughout the
remaining stages. With this comes increased care and concern for all the world, but this
takes courage and is somewhat uncommon. The central unease of this fulcrum is
distancing one self from ethnocentric prejudice, because then you have to ask yourself,
“who am I?” If not negotiated successfully the pathology of this stage can be a crisis of
identity.
These are the stages that are theoretically relevant to children’s spiritual
development. However, there is a general trend that continues throughout the remaining
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five stages that is worth restating. With greater depth and increased consciousness comes
less egocentrism. This is true of all holons, but Wilber suggests it is particularly obvious
in humans. Transpersonal does not mean less ego, it is ego and beyond, with an
evolutionary drive for decreasing egocentrism at each stage. Evolution moves from
prepersonal (preegoic/prerational/subconscious), to personal (egoic/rational/self-conscious)
to transpersonal (transegoic/transrational/superconscious).
Washburn’s Theory of the Dynamic Ground
Unlike Fowler and Wilber who propose a transpersonal theory based on a structural
hierarchical paradigm, Washburn (1994, 1995) suggests that transpersonal development is
dynamic and dialectical. Both Wilber and Washburn agree that development is divided
into three broad phases of preegoic, egoic, and transegoic. However, they differ in their
conception of the psyche or consciousness and how the stages are related to each other.
Washburn suggests that the human psyche, or consciousness, is bipolar and
embodies many of the opposing forces of life. The egoic pole is on one end and the
nonegoic pole is on the other. The egoic pole contains all the functions of the ego and acts
as the organizing and controlling center of consciousness. It contains impulse control,
reflective self-awareness, rational thinking, will, and personal biographical experiences.
The nonegoic pole contains the Dynamic Ground, which is the source of dynamism, spirit,
energy, spontaneity, and creativity. This is a simplified two-part version of the more
traditional id, ego, and superego with the superego being a subset of the ego. Thus, the
egoic pole coincides with the ego (and superego) and the nonegoic pole coincides with the
id. However, there is one notable difference. In traditional Freudian psychoanalysis, the id
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is considered preegoic or subegoic, whereas here the intention is that the nonegoic pole is
to be interpreted as neither preegoic, egoic, or transegoic, but to be understood as neutral.
In addition to the bipolar nature of the human psyche, the egoic end of the pole has
two modes from which it can operate. It can operate in the active mode meaning that it
asserts itself as semi-independent from the nonegoic pole, or it can relax, let go, and be
receptive to the influences and potentials of the nonegoic pole. In doing so, it may be
inspired, absorbed, or infused by the Dynamic Ground and be affected by instinctual urges,
sensual sensations, emotions, vivid images, or collective memories and archetypes.
Human development is a life long interplay between the ego and the Dynamic
Ground. For the majority of a person’s life this is not a balanced, congruent relationship,
rather it is the Dynamic Ground that is always more powerful and has more authority than
the ego. It is only in the first phase of life and at the later transegoic phase that the ego and
the Dynamic Ground are the most harmoniously related.
More specifically, the developmental process has three broad phases. First, in the
preegoic stage, the nonegoic pole is more dominant. It overpowers and influences the
infant who has only a weak, undeveloped ego. Second, during the egoic phase, the ego
develops and becomes strong enough to repress the nonegoic pole from consciousness and
therefore, the ego functions more independently without direct influence from the egoic
pole. In this way, consciousness is seated more in the egoic pole than the nonegoic pole at
this phase, and the nonegoic pole is submerged, which develops the deep unconscious.
Later, in the third phase, moving toward the transegoic or transpersonal, the ego loosens its
independence and regresses back to the nonegoic pole in service of transcendence. Once
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again the nonegoic pole directly influences the ego, only this time rather than
overpowering the ego, it empowers it. Although the nonegoic pole continues to remain a
superior power and authority, there is more of a harmonious integration or synthesis of the
two poles, and the potentials of the nonegoic pole and the power of the Dynamic Ground
transform the ego.
The dialectic process is also the development of the evolving self or selfhood.
Each pole can be thought of as a “self’ with the nonegoic pole being the higher self and the
egoic pole, although essential, is a secondary and subordinate self. By themselves, they
are incomplete and one cannot do without the other. As the ego develops, it disidentifies
with the nonegoic pole and gains independence from it. The egoic pole “takes on airs of
being the only self’ (Washburn, 1995, p. 24) and although this is false, it assumes it is self-
sufficient. Later in development, the self begins to feel incomplete, empty, and has a sense
that something is missing. This regression-derepression process continues until the ego no
longer sees the potentials of the nonegoic pole and the Dynamic Ground as a foreign threat,
but sees it as a superior power that is essential, supportive, and healing. The integration of
the two poles is also the integration of the self, made to be whole, to be fully itself.
Washburn reviews the differences between the dynamic-dialectical paradigm and
the structural heirarchical paradigm as proposed by Wilber. Essentially, the structural-
heirarchical paradigm suggests that spiritual development is fundamentally a straight
ascent to higher and higher levels of development. The process is of unfolding awareness
and transcendence by incorporating what already is and reorganizing it with new
awareness, nothing is lost. Whereas the dynamic-dialectical paradigm suggests that
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development requires a backward movement of regression in order to move forward
towards transcendence. The “struggle” within the structural-heirarchical paradigm is an
innate struggle to evolve. The “struggle” in the dynamic-dialetical paradigm is a struggle
between the egoic and nonegoic poles that begins with a theme of conflict between the
egoic and nonegoic poles that is only temporarily resolved by repression of the nonegoic
pole until it is felt that something is missing. The struggle is then forfeited by the ego in
favor of integration. For Wilber, the self is just one of the transitional stages that changes
as the person reaches a new basic structure. Transcendence is the realization of no self.
For Washburn, the self is one entity made up of two parts. Transcendence is achieved once
there is integration and harmony between the two selves.
Washburn offers four broad phases of development. The first is original
embedment during infancy. Second, is the phase of body ego that encompasses early
childhood to latency. Third, is the phase of the mental ego that begins in latency and
remains through adolescence, young adulthood, and beyond. Fourth, is the transegoic
stage that comes later in life, if it comes at all. The first three phases will be described up
to the point that they relate to adolescent development moving into young adulthood.
Original Embedment (newborn). Initially, the infant is nearly egoless and
minimally differentiated. Intrapsychically the newborn is absorbed and embedded in the
Dynamic Ground of the nonegoic pole. This original embedment is a time when there is a
“dynamic plentitude” of psychic energy and the newborn is immersed in it. Although the
child has physical needs, the newborn has no felt psychic need. This blissful state of
wholeness is never entirely forgotten and traces remain as archetypes in the unconscious or
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faint memory of “perfection” and nostalgic longing for paradise. Washburn clarifies that
this longing should not be misunderstood to mean that original embedment is the highest
measure of well-being. It is not a longing for regression back to the egoless state of full
absorption, rather it is a longing of the ego, once developed and differentiated, to return to
the Dynamic Ground and be firmly upheld and supported.
Body Ego (infancy to early childhood). At this stage, the ego is body. Meaning
that the ego consists mostly of undefined physical sensations and sensitivities. The infant,
or body ego, barely distinguishes itself from the Dynamic Ground and the primary
caregiver. Because the body ego emerged from, and is now cared for, by the primary
caregiver, the Dynamic Ground and the primary caregiver are seen as one in the same.
Washburn refers to this union as the Great Mother. The Great Mother is mostly a source
of love and fulfillment that returns the infant to the state of original embedment. But also,
at times, the Great Mother is a source of frustration when the desires of the body ego are
not met immediately and when its mobility is constrained, or when the union between the
two is so overwhelming that the self has fear of being dissolved. The Great Mother has a
complex double duality that is seen as both good and bad, that is both internal (Dynamic
Ground) and external (primary caregiver). Because of this there is ambivalence towards
the Great Mother. The relationship starts out as a symbiotic relationship; however, as the
child develops it engages in a sort of push-pull relationship where it must continually
choose between pre-egoic oneness, bliss, and intimacy with the Great Mother and primal
repression of this in order to gain independence from it. This tension and ambivalence,
and the desire for an impossible intimate independence, is greatest, and played out the
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most during the rapprochement crisis around one and a half years of age and is completed
during the Oedipal periods around the age of three. This stage ends when primal
repression is complete. This is a permanent physical and psychic act where the body ego
closes itself to the Dynamic Ground, the body is now seen as an object, and the ego is
pushed to reside in the mental space of the head.
The infant’s cognitive and emotional development coincides and facilitates this
process and primal repression serves to quiet and provide relief from the dynamic and
emotional upheavals of childhood. Primal repression and the move to mental ego is a
double-edged sword. The process submerges many nonegoic potentials but at the benefit
of pursuing greater ego development, conceptual thinking, and stable relationships with
primary others.
Mental Ego (latency). With primal repression comes excelerated growth of the
ego. The instinctual psychosexual energy that was once polymorphous is now settled and
dormant in the genital area The psychic energy that once flowed freely is now deactivated
and repressed to the original source of the sexual system. The body is no longer the source
of experience, but is now viewed as a thing and the mind/body dualism is created. Primal
repression and bringing the ego under more control not only deactivates the body, it
tempers feelings so the ego is no longer passively played upon by them.
Primal repression also subdues the creative imagination, which is necessary for
entering into conceptual thinking. Images are less vivid; however, the ego is now in
control of its images, rather than a witness to them, and the child can begin to create a
“fantasy life.” The reduction of vivid imagery and spontaneous imagination also puts a
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stop to the archetypal activities of consciousness. This is particularly relevant in that it
changes the perception of the Great Mother from a goddess with extraordinary qualities to
a mere human being, a parent. The child no longer has a symbiotic intimacy with the
caregiver, but experiences an independent sense of self and other and achieves object
constancy. Last, in totality, across all dimensions, primal repression creates a world-view
that is “disenchanted.” This is not, however, a negative event. Rather, as the nonegoic
influences are restrained the child has a sense of self-possession and a secure and protected
sense of the world. This is a place from which the child is safe and free to play and learn.
Life at this age is meant to be fun, not serious, and is characterized by lightness of spirit.
At this stage the child is more curious than anxious about who he or she is and explores the
possibilities of self-identity in make-believe.
Mental Ego (adolescence). By adolescence the child has full realization of itself as
a mental ego. This is a period of several awakenings. First, there is the sexual awakening
where there is a loosening of primal repression that results in a surge of sexual feelings that
are allowed into consciousness. Second, the awareness of a mental ego also facilitates
intellectual awakening and cognitively the child experiences a radical shift from concrete
to formal operational thinking. Third, this is a time of moral awakening in that formal
operational thought increases the ability to obtain ethical understandings that begin with
parental and societal norms and moves to universal principals and ideals.
Accompanying these new awakenings is the awakening of the self. Now the youth
can engage in introspection and self-reflection and explore the internal world with the
same eagerness and curiosity that the latency aged child engaged in play and explored the
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outside world. Introspection and self-reflection brings existential security because by
thinking about itself the mental self has a sense of existence. But, introspection and self
reflection also bring existential anxiety because when engaging in these activities there is
the realization that the mental self is an entity that cannot be identified. In other words,
unlike the body ego, the mental ego cannot objectively look at itself in the mirror. It
knows itself by its thoughts, feelings, perceptions, and images, but cannot know the subject
that is experiencing this. This creates an unsettling anxiety that the self may be an empty
self that is really of nothingness.
This anxiety is evident in the unbounded dialog in the mind. If the mind is unable
to verify its existence by looking at itself, then it does so by hearing itself. This internal
dialog begins in adolescence and continues on through the rest of life. For the adolescent,
this sense of nothingness begins the search for identity that begins with a sense of being
seen and recognized by others. Adolescents do not yet forge a permanent sense of self,
rather they try on and experiment with many different ways of being in the world and of
being seen. This is reflected in the experimentation of different styles of dress and
appearances, beliefs, the use of language, and behaviors. The forging of a permanent
identity does not begin until early adulthood.
The adolescent not only suffers from existential anxiety, but also from guilt. This
guilt stems from the adolescent’s struggle to be independent from parents and from their
parents’ defined rules and standards. This is a struggle not only for interpersonal
independence, but for intrapsychic independence from the parentally defined superego.
The struggle against the parentally defined superego is also a struggle against the ideal self
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that is implied in the superego. During latency, the ideal self and the self that was defined
by the superego were in accord with each other. However, in adolescence the parentally
defined superego is rejected and the ideal self is viewed as immature and authorized by the
parent. Guilt and moral grappling stem from the “unjustified” turning away from the
people who once cared for and nurtured you and whose ideals you once aspired to.
Adolescents respond to this sense of guilt with identity experimentation and internal dialog
that seeks to confirm value upon them as worthwhile persons about their uniqueness,
accomplishments, and projections of an ideal future self. And, they usually seek this
validation of self through associations with peers.
The transition from adolescence to early adulthood is marked by a shift of
commitment from family to a primary “other” relationship that is of their choosing. In
addition, the young adult makes a commitment to a primary social function whether that is
a job, career, or child rearing or any other activity that offers a worldly sense of value. As
the adolescent moves into adulthood he or she no longer experiment with identity but now
launches into a long-term identity project. At this time the superego and the ego ideal
compliment each other. “The superego becomes the ‘stick’ that keeps the young adult on
the course of the identity project, and the ego ideal becomes the ‘carrot’ that draws the
young adult toward the ideal goal of the project” (Washburn, 1995, p. 107).
The identity project is designed to relieve our anxiety of being nothing, by
confirming we are someone. And, it is designed to relieve our guilt for wanting
independence, by offering justification for it. For most, the establishment of an identity
project is a positive growth experience that leads to fulfillment in the world, ft is not until
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midlife that the mental ego may begin to have difficulties. At this time, the person may
realize that the promise of the identity project is false and will not be fulfilled. This can
occur whether the person has been successful or not in the identity project. If unsuccessful
the person may find fault not with the project itself, but with circumstances or themselves.
But, even if the identity project is successful, the person eventually is left feeling that
something is lacking and may wonder if there isn’t more to life. Thus, begins the long
journey that is eventually beyond ego to the transpersonal, to regeneration in spirit.
Tripartite Perspective
Bradford (1995) offers a nontranspersonal perspective that accounts for the
interplay between the interpersonal, devotional, and expressed or lived aspects of
children’s spirituality. Bradford refers to these three dimensions of spirituality as a
tripartite perspective, which he feels is more inclusive and holistic. Each of the three
dimensions of spirituality is comprised of five interrelated elements, and each of these
elements carries through and contributes to the next spiritual dimension.
Human spirituality is the first dimension of Bradford’s tripartite theory. It is the
interpersonal aspect of spirituality or the aspect of children’s spirituality that is about
“being.” It encompasses the thinking, feeling, and intuitive self of the child and includes
sensitivity to the transcendent. All humans have human spiritual needs and this dimension
of spirituality is developed in children when they have the following five key experiences:
a) profound quality of love, affection, and understanding that gives the child a sense of
worth; b) a sense of security within the immediate environment and the world; c) new
experiences that include not only external play, discovery, and opportunities for creativity
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and use of imagination, but also include time for stillness, reflection, and moments of
peaceful awe and wonder; d) praise, recognition, support and affirmation from others; and
e) being included, participating, and having the opportunity to contribute to the well-being
of others. Should the child not receive adequate and sufficient care in any of these areas
her or his human-spirituality suffers.
Devotional spirituality is the second dimension of the tripartite theory, which refers
to the personal religious life of the child and is about “belonging.” Devotional spirituality
is the expression of human spirituality and helps the child better understand human
spiritual experiences. Bradford contends that there is an unfortunate trend, particularly in
schools, to overlook the aspect of devotional spirituality in favor of the more interior
aspect of human-spirituality.
Devotional spirituality, or religion, enhances human spirituality. Although it is
possible to experience human and practical, or lived, spirituality without devotional
spirituality, holistically it still remains an essential part of spirituality. Devotional
spirituality provides a sense of identity, endowment, order and direction, context and
language, as well as a means to express and give voice to human-spirituality. It offers
shared fellowship with others that value and are open to human spirituality. Devotional
spirituality, or religion, strengthens a child’s resilience and also offers stories that help
contain and manage human suffering. For children to develop, devotional spirituality
should consist of the following five elements: a) religious or spiritual identity, respectful
relationships, and being a welcomed member of a community of faith; b) nurturing in a
faith that is based on a sound secure tradition of moral codes and creeds that also offer a
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sense of place in the world; c) growth and discovery through a framework of worship and
contemplation that offers a distinctively personal devotional life; d) encouragement,
empowerment and mutually affirming experiences of love, trust, and wonder from those
within the faith community; and e) abundant opportunities to meaningfully participate in
the shared values of community, to serve, help, and have a concern, love, and care for
others.
Practical spirituality is the third and last dimension of the tripartite. Practical
spirituality represents the integration of the other two components of human and
devotional spirituality as it is reflected in everyday living. It is the accumulation where the
child or youth engages in life by consciously or unconsciously drawing upon the personal
experiences, insights, and resources that have been offered by human and devotional
spirituality. Practical spirituality is about “acting” and it is demonstrated through the
following five capacities: a) capacity for affection, friendship, and humane relationships
that are open to the reality of others in such a way that their “otherness” is allowed to
confront, challenge, and change us; b) capacity for resilience and constructive coping when
faced with difficulty and hardship; c) capacity for endeavor, inquiry, and purposeful
productiveness balanced by thoughtful reflective questioning; d) capacity for the
confidence to grow and develop, to discover one’s potential, and to promote the same in
others; and e) capacity for an active appreciation, and a sense of personal and social
responsibility and concern for the immediate and larger world community including the
environment.
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As previously mentioned, each of the three dimensions that make up the tripartite
of spirituality is comprised of five interrelated elements that corresponds and contributes to
the next dimension of the tripartite. While each dimension of spirituality can theoretically
be thought of as a separate component, they actually are dynamically inter-related.
Integrity and congruence among the three spiritual dimensions will most likely enhance
well-being, while incongruence and disharmony among the spiritual dimensions will likely
diminish wellness.
Bradford claims that the tripartite perspective is multicultural and applies to
multiple faiths. He defines spirituality as “a healthy attitude towards a positive pattern of
engagement with (i) ourselves and our family; (ii) with our God and our faith community;
and (iii) with our day to day activities and our involvement with others in the wider world”
(1995, p. 35).
Experiential Perspective
A nondevelopmental experiential perspective of children’s spirituality is offered by
Hay and Nye. The following description of their theoretical viewpoint is taken mostly
from their book “The Spirit of the Child” (Hay & Nye, 1998). Articles that highlight some
of the more salient aspects of their perspective were also utilized, but less extensively (Hay
& Nye, 1996; Nye & Hay, 1996).
Referring to the work of Allister Hardy (1966, 1979), Hay and Nye suggest that
spirituality is not just a social or cultural construction. Rather, spirituality, that is
awareness that transcends everyday awareness, is a universal biological phenomenon that
is altogether natural to humans. This holistic awareness of reality has evolved through the
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process of natural selection and is essential to our survival. The implication of this has an
effect on the conception of religion and morality.
If spirituality is a phenomenon that is natural to all humans, then religion is not
reducible to an error in thinking that offers illusionary comfort; rather it is a response to
this natural universal spiritual awareness. In addition, spirituality does not belong to any
particular religion or even religion in general. Also, it is spiritual awareness and not
religious doctrine that is strongly linked to ethical and moral behavior. This is suggested
because most people report that the effect of spiritual experiences or unique awareness is
that it makes them look beyond themselves. They have an increased desire to care for
others, the environment, and they become involved in issues of social justice. People
discover that the assumption of independent existence, and extreme individualism, is an
illusion and “as a result the ‘psychological distance’ between oneself and the rest of reality
disappears” (Hay & Nye, 1998, p. 18) In essence, we are all interconnected and what
affects one affects us all. Morality then originates and flows from spiritual awareness and
not from religious doctrine. The differences typically associated with religion and
spirituality is that religion is typically viewed as more publicly available. Religion
sometimes also has negative connotations of being boring, rigid, outdated, and narrow
minded. It is at times associated with cruelty, bigotry, and persecution. On the other hand,
spirituality typically implies a sense of warmth, love, inspiration, wholeness, and depth.
Even with these differences, however, most would say that religion and spirituality are also
inseparable in many ways. Religion can be the medium that supports the spiritual journey,
and on the flip side, spirituality can be the driving force behind religion.
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If Hardy’s (1996, 1999) assumptions, as mentioned by Hay and Nye are correct,
and spiritual awareness is biological, then spirituality may be more prominent in childhood
than in adult life. As children grow, the process of induction and assimilation into
contemporary adult culture will most likely diminish and suppress their natural inclination
of spirituality.
Nye and Hay assert that most theories about children’s spirituality have a bias that
places considerable emphasis on the intellect and cognitive and moral development. This
narrow view comes close to dissolving spiritual knowing into reason and has led some to
conclude that children’s spirituality is perhaps immature, inadequate, or nonexistent.
There is also a mistaken notion that spirituality is something exceptional and uncommon,
that it has to be mystical ecstasy, when in fact there is a possibility that spirituality might
be a very ordinary occurrence in children’s lives. In reference to the work of Farmer
(1992), Hay and Nye agree that spiritual awareness or knowing is a direct sensory or
affective type of experience rather than an intellectual knowing or conceptual reflection
about something. Hay and Nye state that, if this were true, it might also stand to reason
that spiritual knowing follows different developmental lines that are independent of
cognition and emotion. Logically, experience comes before cognition. Children have an
innate spiritual capacity, but as they develop in other areas this may shift or take on
different forms. Along these lines, Levine (1999) also suggests that children’s cognition is
in fact more congruent and facilitative of spiritual experiences than is currently recognized
and that traditional cognitive explanations need to be broadened to incorporate children’s
real phenomenological experiences and capabilities.
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According to Hay and Nye, spiritual awareness has the potential to permeate all
aspects of human experience. However, most likely there can be contexts, or situations,
moments or places that engender spiritual awareness more than others and this can be
different for different people. The following three interrelated themes might play a part in
anyone’s spiritual life and are proposed by Hay and Nye as a theoretical foundation for
identifying children’s spirituality.
The first is Awareness-Sensing which is commonly referred to by psychologists as
the focused attention that we often have when accomplishing a particular task. Awareness-
sensing can include this type of focused attention, but it also refers to ‘being aware of
one’s awareness’ which is a more reflexive process. For example, awareness-sensing can
include the following type of experiences: First, being in the moment – in the here and
now, and not thinking of the past or future. Donaldson (1992) refers to this as the ‘point
mode’ in infants and young children who have a propensity of no memory of the past or
anticipation of the future. Le Vygotskey (1962) refers to this as the absence of ‘marked’
time, which is most prevalent before language acquisition. The cultivation of being
‘present’ is also found in many Buddhist traditions and meditative practices and Christian
contemplative prayer. Second, a heightened form of consciousness called ‘tuning’ that
occurs when aware of magnificent aesthetic beauty (Schutz, 1964). This is a type of
experience that can occur while listening to music (Neitz & Spickard, 1990), or feeling ‘at
one’ with nature, but it can also be experienced as profound empathy, sensitivity to the
flow of experience, or an intense feeling of belonging. It is not unusual for teenagers to
report this type of tuning experience (Robinson & Jackson, 1985). The opposite can also
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occur, however, and experiences of extreme alienation may lead to spiritual crisis. Third,
is the experience of‘flow’ which is a term developed by Csikszentmihalyi (1975) that
refers to those times when an activity that once demanded concentrated attention and
attentiveness now becomes effortless and seems to manage itself or be managed by an
outside force. The feeling is one of liberation when the activity seems to be transformed
into a single “flow.” Children’s lives are filled with challenging activities such as
crawling, standing, walking, reading, or riding a bike that may give way to flow
experiences. Fourth, is a focusing on subtle bodily awareness that informs our spiritual
knowing and seems to come natural to children. This is a type of experience that helps us
understand situations in nonintellectual ways and is referred as a ‘felt sense’ a term
developed by Gendlin (1981). This may be more common in children before they develop
the intellect.
The second theme of spiritual awareness is Mystery-Sensing which refers to the
awareness of those things in life that are, in principle, incomprehensible or unknowable.
Through these experiences we come to understand ourselves as limited while at the same
time have a sense of transcendence, a theme discussed by Rahner (1975). There are two
examples of mystery-sensing. One, occurs when we have experiences of wonder and awe
and are invited to contemplate what is to be considered ‘holy’ (Otto, 1950). For adults this
may occur when we reflect upon the vastness of the universe, or ponder the ultimate
question of our existence. For children, however, who may not yet have an understanding
about the difference between the common and profound, the experience can be more
simplistic such as creating a flame by striking a match, planting a seed and watching it
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grow, or observing the transformation from caterpillar to cocoon to butterfly. According to
Hay and Nye, as children are educated, particularly in science, it is important that the
awareness of mystery does not become suppressed. Science does not need to imply that
there are answers to everything and even though we may understand how something works
it does not have to subtract from the mystery that it works at all. The second example of
Mystery-Sensing occurs when everyday experience is transcended through the use of
imagination. Imagination allows us to let go of the material world, what is already known,
and to conceive of things in new ways that are not obvious and are beyond what might
have been thought of or done before. It is, in a sense, a way to create. Carl Jung referred
to this as a fantasy life, or active imagination, and it was considered an important part of
psychological wellness. Children’s use of imagination in their play and in their stories and
art work may be a guide to understanding this aspect of their spirituality.
The last theme of spiritual awareness is Value-Sensing, a term offered by
Donaldson (1991), which refers to the role that emotions play in spirituality and the notion
that our affect is an indicator of what we value or what matters to us most. Early in life our
value-sensing experience is most often self-centered, but as we mature our value-sensing
becomes an emotional experience that transcends personal concerns. This concept is
clearly linked to moral development. There are three examples of value-sensing. The first
is feelings of delight and despair. These are the words Hay and Nye adopted to convey the
profound emotions associated with value-sensing. Within the Christian or other
monotheistic faiths, this may be associated with the presence or absence of God. Everyday
experiences of delight and despair are often associated with the ways in which children
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experience and express value-sensing. Modest childhood experiences of despair may
facilitate spiritual enlightenment by offering an opportunity for a greater sensitivity and
wider perspective of value-sensing. In addition, children’s tendency to project their own
thoughts and feelings onto animals and other things may also help promote a wider
perspective of value-sensing that is beyond themselves. Second, the sense of ultimate
goodness is another example of value-sensing. Ultimate goodness refers to a profound
knowing that reality and human existence is not based on chaos but on order. In other
words, the world makes sense. This sense of trust is transmitted to the child in early years
often by the caregiver’s care and nurturing especially during frightful, confusing times
when the caregiver reassures the child that everything will be all right (Berger, 1970). This
corresponds with some theories about early childhood psychological development where
the parent or caregiver is, at least initially, seen to be omnipotent and the source of this
divine ultimate goodness (Rizzuto, 1979). The last example of value-sensing is meaning
which refers to more than just cognition, but a deeper religious or spiritual ‘felt’
understanding. It includes the quest to answer life’s “big” existential questions. In
childhood this is evident in the search for identity, which is a pursuit to answer the
questions “who am I?”, “what am I to do with my life?” or “what persons or things am I
connected to?” While Hay and Nye affirm that meaning is a valuable aspect of children’s
spirituality, they take exception to those theories such as Fowler’s that use meaning-
making as their main defining category of spirituality while ignoring the other three themes
of spiritual experience. It could be, they argue, that the quest for meaning is only a
secondary response to the spiritual experiencing or three types of sensing just described.
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Therefore, it is important to help children develop awareness of the other categories
through which meaning becomes perceptible and noteworthy.
Spirituality and Children: Empirical Review
A total of nine studies were located that empirically investigated the transpersonal
or spiritual aspects of childhood (Davis, Lockwood, & Wright, 1991; Hay & Nye, 1998;
Hoffman, 1992; Hunt, 1992; Irizzarry, 1992; Magen, 1983, 1991; Robinson, 1983;
Tamminen, 1991). A summary of the sample, methods, measurement tools, and findings
for each study is included in Table 3. The first effort by Hunt (1992) includes two studies
that used convenience-sampling methods to explore two theoretical models about
transpersonal experiences in childhood. The first study consisted of three groups: eight
participants who experienced childhood transpersonal experiences, twelve who
experienced adolescent transpersonal experiences, and twenty-two who had no
transpersonal experiences. The second study consisted of seventy-two experienced
meditaters from an international university and a control group of seventy-eight students
from an introduction psychology class who claimed to have had childhood transpersonal
experiences. Both the proclivity model that some children have a natural inclination
towards such experiences and the self-deficit model that these experiences are an
indication of self deficit and a defense against use were supported depending upon the type
of experience, age of occurrence, and adult meditative practices.
In another effort to better understand religious development in childhood and
youth, Tamminen (1991) conducted several studies. The first consisted of baseline data
gathered in 1974. This first study was complemented by a longitudinal follow-up
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Table 3.
Overview of Spirituality Studies
Author (s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Hunt, Gervais, Shearing-Johns & Travis (1992)
First study Group one: 8 participants with early childhood transpersonal experiences. Group two: 12 participants with adolescent transpersonal experiences. Control group: 22 participants with no transpersonal experiences. Vast majority of participants were university students / nonprobability sampling
Second study Participants from the Maharishi International University (n=72). All were experienced meditaters. Control group: (n=78) from Brook University intro psych class. Compared participants within and between studies / questionnaires (some interviews) / probability sampling
Developed own questionnaire of six items concerning mystical awareness, out- of-body experience, lucid dreams, archetypal- mythological dreams, extrasensory and visionary experiences, night-mares, and night terrors. Also used: Hood Scales of mystical experience (1975); Eysenck’s Neuroticism scale (Eysenck & Eysenck, 1968); Imaginative Involvement Scale (Hilgard, 1970; Hunt & Popham, 1987); Physiognomic Cue Test (Stein, 1975); Embedded Figures Test (Thurstone, 1944); and WAIS Block Designs (Wechsler, 1975); Culture Fair Test (Cattell & Cattell, 1980).
Both the proclivity model and the self-deficit model were supported depending upon the type of transpersonal experience, age of occurrence, and adult meditative practices
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Table 3 (continued).
Author (s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Tamminen (1991)
Irizarry (1992).
Robinson (1983)
Base line study: 1558 elementary and high school Finish students; almost equal numbers boys and girls; majority Lutheran. Longitudinal and follow-up studies: younger students were interviewed, older students were offered paper and pencil survey
56 children; age 8-12 yrs; 19 parents / two- year study; audiotaped interviews / purposive sampling
Students asked “Have you at times felt that God is particularly close to you?” and “Have you at times felt that God is guiding, directing your life?”
362 participants / 78% female / response to an appeal to write in about an experience where they “felt their lives had in any way been affected by some power beyond themselves.” / purposive sampling
Overall decrease in experiencing God’s nearness and guidance as children matured. Girls tended to report more of both types of experiences. God’s nearness was experienced most often during times of escaping danger, dealing with illness, prayer, church services, loneliness and fear. While God’s guidance was experienced during times of danger and difficulties or experiencing success
In reaction to the death of a grandparent children exhibited surprising maturity, insight, and self-awareness. They wanted to know more about death on a deeper level than simplistic explanations. Parents could use the experience as an opportunity to help their children develop spiritually
Offers various accounts of childhood spiritual experiences including nature mysticism, vivid insights, family influences, church experiences, death, morality and so on
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Table 3 (continued).
Author(s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Hoffman (1992)
Davis, Lockwood & Wright (1991)
Magen (1983)
Placed “author’s inquiries” in newspapers and periodicals published in United States asking about memorable childhood peak experiences / phenomenological approach / purposive sampling
246 undergraduates from psychology course; ages 18-64 / questionnaire / convenient sampling
1094 students; 14 to 15 yrs old; almost equal numbers Israeli Arabs, Israeli Jews, and Americans / convenient sampling
Life Aspiration Questionnaire (Magen, 1983); Positive Experience Questionnaire (Landsman’s, 1977); Extracurricular Activity Questionnaire (developed by authors)
Respondents were asked about peak experiences including how many people they discussed the experience with
Nine categories of childhood epiphanies. Uplifting experience in places of scenic grandeur Inspiring encounter with nature in one’s own backyard Near-death or crisis episodes Peak moments during intense and personalized prayer Spontaneous moments of bliss or ecstasy Profound insights about self- identity, life and death, and related topics Exalted experiences in formal religious settings Uncanny perceptions with lasting import • Unforgettable dreams
Of the seventy-nine percent reported to have had peak experiences, 29% told no one, 51% told two or less people. Reasons for not telling included: it was a special personal experience, thought others might not appreciate or value the experiences, could not describe the experience in words
Except among the Israeli Jewish participants, females were sig. more likely than males to express transpersonal commitment. All youth were more likely to express desire for transpersonal commitment if their report of positive experiences was intense or was interpersonal in nature
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Table 3 (continued).
Author (s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Magen & Aharoni (1991)
134 youth involved in transpersonal commitments and 126 uninvolved youth; grades 10th and 12th; Tel Aviv, Israel / convenient sampling
Life Aspiration Questionnaire (Magen, 1983); Positive Experience Questionnaire (Landsman’s, 1977); Extracurricular Activity Questionnaire (developed by authors)
Involved youth reported higher intensity of positive experiences and expressed greater desire for transpersonal commitment. A positive association between expressed transpersonal commitment and intensity of positive experience was found for both groups. A pattern suggests males to be more positively affected by participating in volunteer activities than females
Hay & Nye (1998)
38 British children; ages 6 to 7 and 10 to 11; majority Caucasian with no religious affiliation / in-depth interviews / grounded theory / random sampling.
At the core of children’s spirituality is relational consciousness
conducted in the years 1976 and 1980, and a replication study conducted in 1986. The
baseline study consisted of 1,558 Finish students in first, third, fifth, seventh, ninth, and
eleventh grades from twenty-two different schools. The vast majority of students were
Lutheran. As part of the study children and youth were asked about their religious
experiences. Specifically one question asked “Have you at times felt that God is
particularly close to you?” Results of the series of studies indicated that there was an
overall decrease in experiencing God’s closeness as children matured. The same results
were found when children and youth were asked, “Have you at times felt that God is
guiding, directing your life?” In addition, girls tended to report more of both types of
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experiences. Although it varied with age, the most frequent situation in which the children
reported to have experienced God’s nearness was during emergency situations. For
example, when they were avoiding or escaping danger, or dealing with illness. The second
most frequent category was at devotional or church situations such as prayer and
meditation or church service, and the third most frequent category was during times of
loneliness and fear. Experiencing God’s guidance was most often during times of danger
and difficulties followed by times of experiencing success. The author interprets the
change in frequency of experiencing God’s closeness as that the children felt the
experiences were no longer relevant or forgot or reinterpreted the experiences. Similar to
other studies, it was also noted that many youth reported that their experiences were
difficult to talk about either because it was private, they could not tell about it, or could not
recall a specific situation to talk about.
Three studies were located that used qualitative methods. The first study by
Irizzarry (1992) interviewed fifty-six children, ages 8-12 years old, about the death of a
grandparent. Nineteen of the children’s parents were interviewed about their child’s
perspective of the death. Findings concluded that children exhibited surprising maturity,
insight, and self-awareness. They wanted to know more about death on a deeper level than
simplistic explanations offered by family members. The author suggested that the
experience could be used as an opportunity for spiritual growth. The two other qualitative
studies were retrospective in nature. One study by Robinson (1983) was based on a
purposive sample of participants who responded to an appeal to write in about an
experience where the person “felt that their lives had in any way been affected by some
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power beyond themselves” (p. 11). Approximately 600 out of 4000 respondents reported
experiences that occurred in childhood, and 362 of these persons were contacted for this
study. Seventy-eight percent of this final sample were female, the majority ranged in age
from thirty-six to sixty and beyond.
Another study by Hoffman (1992) placed a similar advertisement in dozens of
newspapers and periodicals that were distributed throughout the United States, Canada,
Great Britain, and Australia. The vast majority of personal accounts, approximately 250 in
all, were collected in this way and only a few narratives were gathered by personal
interviews. Over two thirds of participants were female, ages ranged from early twenties
to mid-eighties. Each of these studies categorized the participants’ stories into various
themes, such as experiences of nature mysticism, life and death, unforgettable dreams,
morality, and church or experiences of religion. These narratives provide detailed
descriptions of adults reflecting upon profound memorable childhood spiritual experiences
that impacted their lives in some way. Further analysis illustrates the variety of ways in
which these experiences can occur. Like Hay and Nye (1998), Hoffman reported that is
was not uncommon for individuals to describe that they had no one to share their
experiences with and if they did try to talk with someone they were often met with
indifference, or sometimes ridicule and insults about their mental stability. Many
participants reported that they waited until becoming an adult before finding support for
their experiences in books or teachers.
Along these lines, another study by Davis, Lockwood, and Wright (1991)
investigated the reasons persons may not report peak experiences. Although this study is
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based solely on a convenience sample of 246 adults, ages 18 to 64, attending an
undergraduate college psychology course, it is being included in this summary because it is
the only effort found to address this question. Of the seventy-nine percent of participants
reported having had peak experiences, twenty percent reported telling no one, while 51%
reported having told two or less people about the experience. The top three reasons for not
telling others about the experience was that a) it was a very special and personal
experience that they wanted to keep to themselves, b) it was thought that others would not
appreciate or value the experience, and c) it was an experience that could not be described
with words.
Two studies conducted by Magen (1983, 1991) examined the relationship between
transpersonal experiences and transpersonal commitment among adolescents. Both studies
used the Life Aspiration Questionnaire to measure transpersonal commitment beyond the
self. For example, youth were asked, “What is the best thing they would like to do in
life?” Responses were then placed into four categories that represented degrees of
selfishness such as to be rich, have a nice car, and be cool verses commitment to help
others or society such as bring peace to the world, or be a truck driver bringing clothing
and fresh food to everyone. Both studies also used the Positive Experience Questionnaire
in which youth were to describe moments in which they had “a very, very good feeling, an
experience where as a consequence you felt that life is wonderful.” The first study used a
convenience sample of 1094 students, 14-15 years old, which consisted of almost equal
numbers of Israeli Arabs, Israeli Jews, and Americans. Results indicated that except
among the Israeli Jewish participants, females were significantly more likely than males to
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express transpersonal commitment. But, more importantly, all youth were more likely to
express desire for transpersonal commitment if their report of positive experiences was
intense or was interpersonal in nature rather than associated with the self, or the external
world.
The second study was also a convenience sample of 260 students, 10th through 11th
grade, residing in Tel Aviv, Israel. A little over half of the youth were involved in
volunteer activities that contributed to the welfare of others for at least one year while the
remaining half were not involved in such activities. As expected, the involved youth
reported to have had higher intensity of positive experiences and greater desire for
transpersonal commitment than the noninvolved youth. However, with both groups there
was a positive relationship between intensity of positive experiences and expressed
transpersonal commitment. Although no cause and effect can be established, the authors
suggest that greater fulfillment and meaningfulness is more likely to be found among
adolescents willing to give of themselves. In addition, a pattern was found that might
indicate males to be more positively affected by participating in volunteer activities than
females.
Finally, Hay and Nye’s (1998) grounded theory analysis of children’s spirituality is
based on 38 in-depth interviews with British children, ages 6 to 7 and 10 to 11 years old.
Random sampling methods were utilized. There were equal numbers of males and females
and all but one child was Caucasian. Almost three fourths of the children reported to have
no religious affiliation. Findings from their qualitative study are described below.
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Results suggested that, at the core, the most fundamental aspect of children’s
spirituality is relational consciousness. Relational consciousness is the thread that runs
through all the experiences of children’s spirituality. Here the term consciousness refers to
more than just a discrete type of heightened awareness that has previously been described.
Rather, it is a type of metacognition or metaconsciousness, which means to be reflective
about one’s own thought processes or awareness of one’s own mental activity. It is being
objectively aware of one’s self as subject. The term relational in this sense is meant to
encompass not only relations to other people, but to all things, including being in
relationship with God, the world, and one’s self. It is out of this relational consciousness,
this metaconsciousness of relations to all things, that children’s spiritual experiences arise.
At a more individual level, a child’s spirituality has its own particular signature. This is
reflected in the child’s unique personality and spiritual preoccupations, thus implying that
the psychological make up of a child is not easily separated from their spirituality.
Children seek to maintain and nurture their spirituality by various means, such as
removing themselves from the mundane, either physically or mentally, developing and
sustaining relationships with the transcendent through prayer, and seeking out pleasing
sensory experiences. Children also engage in philosophizing, such as questioning the
origin of the world and the nature of God. Purposefully seeking an altered state of
consciousness is another way children develop a sense of the spiritual. Such an example
was described by one ten year old who reported:
Yeah, and when you click out of it you just notice that you are there, or when
you’re like concentrating on it, like you just don’t know where you are. [Do you
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like that feeling?] Yeah, but like recently it just sort of comes when it needs to
come. Like you are upset, it just comes then. [Where do you think it comes from?] God (Hay & Nye, 1998, p. 130).
Other less explicit means of engaging in the spiritual are using such things as
imagining, dreaming, staying with a mood, using meandering questions, or playing and
escaping reality. Children’s expressions of the spiritual are not always explicitly religious,
but implicit such as this ten-year-old who philosophized when asked if there was some
organizing principle to it all.
Well, there must be somewhere, somehow – or else, how would it keep
reproducing? Like it [?] made a flower, a dandelion. Where did the wind come
from to blow all the petals off to make them fall on the floor to make more?… .(in a
whisper) It’s puzzling (Hay & Nye, 1998, p. 109).
The language or format in which children express their spirituality is often not of
conventional religious expressions, but rather it is found in their use of autobiographical
reflections, fiction, play, and games. It also evolves from talk about time and space, about
death, values, and morals, and about the awe and wonder of science and technology and
the natural world. This implies that even without access to religious language, children
find ways to express this aspect of their life even when they recognize the subtlety that it
may not be supported or valued by the mainstream culture.
Typical of many spiritual traditions, in response to the often-indescribable nature of
spiritual experience, children often refer to images and analogies. One six year old, for
example, used a circle to represent God’s never-ending love and a square to represent the
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devil’s finite love. Other uses of analogies by children include spirituality to be the same
as kindness between people, remarkable places in nature, or that the soul is like smoke or a
hologram.
For children, the effects of spiritual experiences are feelings of a deep calmness and
peacefulness; new clarity; a sense of oneness, goodness, and worth; a strange fear mixed
with a sense of respect; and a feeling of gratitude, feeling free, or a feeling of forgetting
one’s self. However, not all effects of spiritual experiences are positive for children.
Sometimes the experience is one of frustration or a feeling of inner conflict particularly
when the child held other information or understandings that were incongruent with their
experience. Negative feelings might also precede positive experiences when wonder turns
into frustration or when some positive experiences were overwhelming and turned into
fear.
Children’s spirituality is not static but changes over time in a variety of ways. An
increase in knowledge and mental abilities can have the effect of either reducing or
increasing the child’s engagement in the spiritual. Children may feel that previous
spiritual thought, ideas, and experiences should be dismissed as a result of their once being
naive and gullible. On the other hand, increased knowledge and mental abilities can help
children feel better equipped and more confident to understand the complexity of life and
thus, it can encourage engagement in the spiritual process.
Children also consider the social consequences of expressing and sharing their
spirituality. Although some children felt that these experiences were simply inherently
private matters, many children mentioned feelings of embarrassment, or fear of being
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ridiculed or undermined, or not believed or taken seriously, should their experiences be
made public. Because of this, few shared their spirituality with others. Many children
expressed thanks when these social consequences did not come about during the interview.
None of the children who belonged to religious organizations expressed feeling supported
in their thoughts and experiences of the spiritual. Perhaps because children live more in
the moment and are less apt to reflect upon the sequential ordering of meaningful events,
children’s spiritual experiences although considered to be special, were also reported more
as ordinary occurrences rather than dramatic and life changing.
In summary, Hay and Nye (1998) suggest that substituting the term “relational
consciousness” in place of the term “spirituality” brings a far more human quality to the
concept and what is meant by it. Children experience relational consciousness at a very
early age. Relational consciousness is preverbal and is born out of “being” rather than
cognition. It is a primal aspect of what it is to be human that has its basis in biological and
social evolution. It is out of relational consciousness that altruism (good will and loving
kindness) emerges. This is not just altruism for the individual, but for larger and larger
groups, the collective, the natural world, and the universe. The authors also suggest that
humans are biologically predisposed for relational consciousness, which can either be
enhanced or nourished by culture, or overshadowed and diminished by it.
Spirituality and Children: Summary of Findings
In summary, all nine empirical studies in this section offer support that children and
youth are capable of profound spiritual experiences that are influential to their lives. Based
upon these studies, the spiritual experiences of children can occur in a variety of settings
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and do not necessarily indicate signs of pathology. Findings also suggest that females may
be more likely to have such experiences than males, or may be more likely to interpret and
report the experience as spiritually based. It seems that children, like adults, may be
unlikely to discuss having such experiences for a variety of reasons.
Spirituality and Children: Critique of Scope and Methodology
Five theories regarding children and spirituality have been reviewed. Three were
transpersonal theories that focused mainly on consciousness development; one was a
tripartite theory that incorporated both human spirituality, communal religious devotion,
and practiced spirituality; and one was a nondevelopmental theory that focused less on the
cognitive aspects but more on the direct spiritual experiences of children. Two of the five
theorists, Fowler and Hay, are based on a theoretical framework that is then grounded in
data collected from participant interviews. Wilber, Washburn, and Bradford, while based
on well-established developmental theories, lack the same scientific rigor of being based
on interviews with participants. Although each theory contributes to our knowledge of
childhood spirituality, each also defines childhood spirituality very differently. A major
drawback of all five theories is that their concepts and propositions are not testable using
traditional positivistic research methods, and therefore, not easily falsifiable.
A lack of agreement about what childhood spirituality is may be one reason why
there has been little empirical investigation on the subject. However, even if there were
agreement about what it is, spirituality, even more so than religion, is difficult to define,
operationalize, and measure, at least by traditional scientific methods. In the case of
spiritual experiences, how do you define something that by its very nature is indescribable
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and in many cases cannot be put into words? The studies in this section that used
quantitative methods seem to illustrate the difficulty of this task. For example, of the four
studies in this section that examined spirituality (excluding Davis, 1991, which sampled
adults), one pertained to peak experiences defined by a variety of experiences such as
mystical awareness, out of body experience, lucid dreams and so on (Hunt, Gervais,
Shearing-Johns, & Travis, 1992) and one defined it by feeling or experiencing God’s
guidance and closeness (Tamminen, 1991). The remaining two studies defined spirituality
as intense feelings that life was worth living and related this to a transpersonal spiritual
perspective of commitment to others beyond the self (Magen, 1983; Magen & Aharoni,
1991).
The majority of studies were descriptive in nature. Only the studies by Hunt,
Gervais, Shearing-Johns & Travis (1992) used a control group for comparison and only
one study measured change over time (Tamminen, 1991). Three of the eight studies in this
section were retrospective in nature (Hoffman, 1992; Hunt, Gervais, Shearing-Johns &
Travis, 1992; Robinson, 1983), which perhaps is indicative of the difficulty of gathering
data from children. Unlike the studies regarding children and religiosity, studies that were
not retrospective gathered data from a wide range of ages from as young as six to
adolescents. All but one study used nonprobability-sampling methods (Hay & Nye, 1998),
which limits the ability to generalize findings.
In summary, an inherent difficulty of empirically investigating spirituality is a lack
of agreement of what it is and how it can be operationalized. Attempts to study this topic
with younger children will continue to be challenging.
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Theoretical Review of Spiritual and Religious Abuse and Neglect of Children and Youth
This section will review the theoretical conceptualizations found in the literature
that pertain to spiritual and religious abuse and neglect of children and youth. Specifically,
it will discuss the effects of abuse and neglect on children’s spirituality, violent trauma and
spirituality, spiritual distress and the sources that can contribute to it, inadvertent abuse by
religious teachings, intentional abuse associated with religion, and negative cultural and
environmental influences on children’s spirituality. As usual, there will be overlap
between what is spiritual and what is religious. In addition, it should be noted that this
section purposefully focuses on the concept of spiritual and religious abuse and neglect in
a broad sense and does not detour to discuss the specific example of ritual cult abuse. In
addition, since complete theories about spiritual and religious abuse of children and youth
are not available, this section pertains to the existing conceptualization of spiritual and
religious abuse of children and youth, how it might be defined, and where it might apply.
Spiritual and religious abuse and neglect of children and youth appears to be a
relatively new area of concern for social work. However, it stands to reason that if we are
to take seriously that the holistic well-being of the child includes the spiritual along with
the physical, social, and emotional, then our approach must also concern the religious and
spiritual abuse of children and youth. As Crompton (1998) states, “If spiritual/religious
experience can contribute to the well-being of the whole child, it must, by implication, also
be involved in abuse and neglect” (p. xiv).
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Abuse and Neglect of Children and Spirituality
Several authors suggest that any abuse or neglect of a child is an abuse of the child’s spirit.
For example, Crompton (1999) states:
“Children who are abused [or neglected], in whatever form, are consequently
abused spiritually. The capacity for trust and self-esteem, for giving and receiving
love and expecting security and affirmation, community and sharing, is assaulted;
delight and wonder are all too probably replaced by despair, anger and guilt’’(p. 88)
Kirkland (1996) describes how children and youth who have experienced abuse
will also have their sense of serenity and peace of mind altered in a way that affects their
growth and development and can in some cases lead to post-traumatic stress and other
psychiatric disorders. Children such as these, he argues, have suffered an undermining of
their spiritual values and experiences and will have unique spiritual needs (Kirkland,
1996).
Bradford (1995) also suggests that abuse and neglect can negatively affect all three
aspects of children’s human, devotional, and practical spirituality. Human spiritual
damage is likely to occur if the child has experienced any of the following: abuse and
neglect; sudden distressing disruption in home or care of the child with no opportunity for
adjustment; nurtured by bigotry and oppression; disciplined in ways that are mainly
punitive, chaotic, inconsistent or demeaning; and denied appropriate participation in family
gatherings and community functions or has been included and encouraged to participate in
activities that are deviant such as violence, stealing, or other criminal behavior. The effect
of abuse and neglect on a child’s sense of self-worth may make it difficult to be in a
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positive relationship with others and the child may need special support in developing their
human spirituality.
Further, Bradford states that the child’s experience of religion in the home will
influence their devotional spirituality. For example, a child who has been exposed to no
religion, or comes from a home where religion was made fun of, or if abused and prayers
for the abuse to stop were not answered, then the child may have difficulty finding
meaning in devotional spirituality and will need extra support in this area. If a child’s life
experience has thus far been extremely problematic then the child may have difficulty
understanding life in a way that is harmonious and cohesive. This may be reflected in their
overall patterns of thinking, behavior, and relationships and they will need support in
developing practical spirituality as well.
Violent Trauma and Children’s Spirituality
James Garbarino has written extensively about children and youth and the effect of
violence on their lives. The following summary is based on an integration of several of his
writings where he describes the spiritual element associated with violent trauma
(Garbarino, 1998, 1999; Garbarino & Bedard, 1996).
Trauma, according to Garbarino, can produce two kinds of wounds. First are the
psychological wounds or symptoms that are known as PTSD, which includes a sense of
loss and lack of trust that permeate all aspects of life. The second wound is a broader type
of philosophical, or spiritual trauma, that threatens the youth’s sense of meaningfulness
and purpose in life. Trauma is thought of as the “reverse” of a religious experience. If a
positive religious experience is coming to know the light of the world, then trauma is
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coming to know the darkness of the world. Both involve deep and overwhelming arousal
of the senses and of cognition; however, they are in opposite directions. Trauma can alter
or even permanently shatter the youth’s sense of meaning and purpose of life, including the
sense of connection with or trust in a higher power that protects them.
Garbarino distinguishes religion from spirituality and refers to the spiritual as “the
inner life of children and adolescents as the cradle for a construction of meaning” (1996, p.
467). Children, he argues, are particularly vulnerable to the spiritually devastating effects
of trauma because, like everything else, spiritual development (i.e. meaning making) has a
developmental line of progression. This makes children vulnerable because, unlike adults,
they do not have the resilient cognitive capacities to make constructive meaning out of the
experience in a way that makes sense, nor have they had as much time to incorporate
cultural norms or religious beliefs of what is real or fantasy.
At the core of spirituality is the recognition of oneself as a spiritual being in a
human body, which implies a connection to a higher power. Trauma threatens the child’s
connection to this higher power and the belief in its ability to protect them.
Trauma shatters our expectations of divine protection in a fierce psychological
confrontation as does the general belief in the existence of evil in a generic
theological debate. This is a prime reason why attention to spiritual developmental
issues deserves a central place in efforts to intervene in trauma cases, with the
victims and with the perpetrators. Both are facing dramatic challenges to their very
existence as spiritual beings by virtue of the respective experience with ‘the
capacity for evil in human nature.” (Garbarino 1996, p. 472).
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Trauma and exposure to violence can bring about what Garbarino refers to as
“terminal thinking,” in other words, having no sense of a positive future, or any future at
all. Children who have experienced trauma also experience a lack of meaning that their
life has a purpose or that they belong to society or to the world. Trauma also has
implications for identity. For example, when there has been a deep violation of the need
for something that is meaningful and good, some children may seek out a negative identity
and universe when nothing else seems available. In other words, being someone, even if
that someone is of the dark side, is better than being nobody at all.
Garbarino proposes that there are three dark secrets that children learn when
exposed to violent trauma that shakes their sense of overall well being with regard to
meaningfulness and purpose of life and makes them vulnerable, or at risk, for having
future problems. First, humans, are not invincible, they are fragile. “The human body,
which appears strong and tough, is really just a fragile bag filled with gooey stuff and
lumps” (Garbarino, 1998, p. 28). Second, the darkest secret of all, is that adults cannot
protect you, you are alone and must protect yourself. If children adopt this view, they
naturally rely on themselves and look to each other for protection. Third, “..when it come
to violence, ‘anything is possible’.. .None of us is immune – any one of us can commit acts
of atrocity, given the wrong set of circumstances” (Garbarino, 1998, p. 28). According to
Garbarino, we learn to make sense of violent trauma through social sciences and human
studies. But, violent trauma takes us off our path and presents a spiritual challenge that
also requires soul searching.
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Spiritual Distress
In her chapter titled “Spiritual Distress” Crompton (1998) suggests that although
adults do not often recognize it, children experience spiritual crises. A common
misconception is that spiritual and religious experiences are always positive, uplifting,
joyful or inspiring. But, not all spiritual experiences are beneficial; some can be
overwhelming, distressing, and terrifying and lead to anxiety, despair, and even suicide
(Lukoff & Turner, 1996). The effects of spiritual distress can be lifelong and it is often
mentioned throughout her chapter, that it is not unusual for children to remain silent and
suffer alone in their distress, never telling their parents or adult caregiver.
Crompton offers several examples when children may likely experience spiritual
distress. For instance, spiritual distress can occur when a child first learns about death and
that all things will eventually die. The realization of death does not have to be so broad
and all encompassing as the realization of universal death. It can be, for many children,
more specific to a particular event or person. The thought of being separated from a loved
one can bring unbearable anxiety. Crompton associates this with the despair aspect of
Nye’s (1996) value-sensing.
The sense of sin and unworthiness can also mistakenly permeate a child’s life in
such a way that it destroys self-esteem. Children may come to believe that they are not
loveable and do not deserve affection, which affects their ability to make connections with
other people and the world. In addition, children can often be fearful of what they do not
understand and many of the religious symbols and stories that depict violence can be
disturbing. Further, at times, the experience of heightened awareness, of God, nature, or
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the world around us can be so overwhelming it brings a sense of fear. Many religious
beliefs hold that the ultimate cannot be known or is only known through intermediaries.
Some religious stories tell of the witness being struck by terror and some Greek myths are
also filled with consequences of being too aware of the divine.
Religious Abuse
Some religious teachings, although well intended, can contribute to a child’s
spiritual distress. Even though a child may not be affiliated with a particular religion, these
teachings are often so engrained in our culture through popular media that the possibility
of abuse still exists for that child. At times, however, abuse associated with religion can be
more overt such as when there is abuse by someone in religious authority or when there is
religious persecution. Crompton (1998) offers the following examples of such abuses
against children and youth.
Virginity
The notions of virginity, chastity, and purity are highly valued among most
religious traditions, especially for female children. Even if the religion is not overtly
condemning, the child herself may impose internal punishing messages thinking that she is
no longer worthy or desirable or is damaged in someway by not being perfect. Some
religious traditions may still show disapproval even for sexual impurity that is involuntary,
which can be particularly troubling for children who have been sexually abused.
Forgiveness
Forgiveness is also a virtue that is highly valued, particularly within the Christian
faith. Some religious beliefs may demand forgiveness when the young person is unable to
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do so. This may lead to feelings of guilt and inferiority since a “good” religious person
should be able to forgive. No matter the religious faith, the children may feel badly about
emotions of anger, hatred, and resentment that they do not think they should feel.
Male Deity
Children who are abused by a male and are associated with a religion that worships
a male deity may have difficulties separating and reconciling negative feelings between the
two. This may be particularly true if the male deity is endowed with perfection. Similar
difficulties can arise when children are taught religious beliefs that a deity loves and
protects them. Children may wonder why this powerful God has not helped to keep them
safe. When protection is prayed for and not given the child may wonder if God really is
all-powerful, or if God just chooses not to intervene. Either way, interpretations can lead
to a lack of trust in both divine and human power and children often see themselves as
deserving the maltreatment.
Prayer
Difficulties also occur when there is pressure placed on the child to respond to the
healing prayer of others who want to see the power of their prayers. If health is not
restored quickly the subtle explanation may be that the child or person is blocking the
power of prayer because he or she has sinned, or perhaps the child doesn’t have enough
faith in God (Kennedy, 1995b, cited in Crompton, p 12 – 13)
Misuse of the Word “Love ”
Those who abuse often misuse the word “love.” At times an abuser will use the
word while abusing the child or parents may say “this is for your own good, and because I
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love you” while physically punishing or verbally belittling the child. A child who has been
abused in this way may question and mistrust the intentions of those who profess love
including a “loving” deity.
Persecution and Oppression
Persecution may occur when representatives of several different religious groups
populate communities and there is intolerance among them. There may be intolerance of
beliefs and vandalism of places of worship and cemeteries. Other children can be the
source of oppression and persecution and tease and taunt those who are different, or those
who do not share their religious practices. Other examples of persecution and oppression
can occur when those providing temporary care for a child do not understand or respect a
child’s religion. For example, while in temporary care, the child may feel pressure not to
be different and will conform in diet or dress, but at great anxiety and spiritual distress.
Or, a caregiver may either be unaware, or aware but resentful, of the inconvenience of
caring for a child that may require different routine in food and dress, and thus deny the
child special consideration so they can be devoted to their religious observances.
Abuse by Someone with Religious Authority
Abuse by someone in a position of religious authority is usually sexual in nature
and not predominate of any particular faith group. Unfortunately, some people still hold
the mistaken belief that abuse does not occur in religious homes, or that people of religious
authority could not commit such crimes against children. Persons of religious authority are
often looked up to and seen to represent goodness and moral decency for the congregation.
Abusive behavior shatters the belief that religion itself is protection from being a victim or
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a perpetrator. It may be difficult for children in this situation to report abuse because doing
so may feel like a betrayal that may bring retaliation by either the abuser or by a deity who
has allowed the abuse.
Other Abuses by Religion
Overt religious abuse may not always be physical in nature. For example,
intentionally terrifying children with the message of eternal damnation as punishment for
sin may create anxiety and distress that are beyond a child’s ability to cope. Although
intended to keep children from sinning, it may have the effect of eventually turning them
away from a religion they find repelling.
While Crompton suggests that abuse can occur in the way religious teachings are
delivered, Capps (1992, 1995) suggests that religious ideas themselves are inherently
confusing, abusive, and traumatic for children. Further, he contends that many religions
are used to justify or ignore physical abuse of children and that some religious beliefs help
to legitimize adult responses of detachment from childhood trauma. For example, one of
the ways in which religion helps adults legitimize their detachment to childhood abuse is
found in the story of Jesus’ virginal conception. The possibility that Jesus may have been
illegitimate and suffered distressful stigmatization is never addressed and this invites adults
to take on the various forms of dissociation and denial about their own and other’s
childhood abuse. Even if Jesus was not illegitimate, the notion of virginal conception
places Jesus in reverence and awe essentially eliminating the possibility of Jesus being a
sympathetic figure who shared in the experiences of childhood trauma. With the
possibility of Jesus’ childhood suffering pushed out of the way, we may find it easier to
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ignore and not take seriously childhood victimization today. In addition, the idea of
virginal conception encourages disassociation in that it undermines our ability and
confidence to trust in our own cognition and senses. Such an event is foreign to our
experience and it asks us, like many other religious beliefs, to rely on ‘faith’ even though
there is no evidence to support it.
Cultural and Environmental Abuses
Several authors discuss the negative influence of modem culture on children’s
spirituality. Hay and Nye (1998) devote an entire chapter to the social destruction of
spirituality in which they suggest that the modem culture in which our children are
inducted is detrimental to their spirituality. They contend that children are born full of
openness to experience, full of spiritual awareness, only to have this stunted and closed off
as they assimilate into popular culture and navigate a sometimes hostile environment. In
addition, since modernity and postmodernity, there has been a struggle for seekers of truth
in how to integrate institutions of the spirit and demands for intellectual honesty. Although
there is increased secularization, and a decline in the influence of religious institutions, this
does not mean that there is a decline in spiritual awareness or the need for spiritual
expression. As previously discussed, Hay and Nye suggests that morality does not stem
from religious doctrine but from spiritual awareness and insight, yet, with the decline in
religion’s influence there has been nothing else to take its place to nurture the spirituality
of children and youth. Without this support, spirituality, which begins in childhood, can be
profoundly suppressed.
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Garbarino (1999) is more explicit in his brief critique of the negative cultural
influences that are detrimental to children’s, especially boy’s, spiritual development. He
suggests that the American materialistic culture contributes to youth’s lack of a sense of
higher purpose beyond what they can accumulate and possess. Youth need something
more enduring than this, particularly in times of crisis. He also suggests that simply being
a male in our society can be traumatic since, “It requires that a boy cut himself off from
sources of softness, comfort, intimacy, expressiveness, and positive dependency, and ‘be a
man’” (p. 160). “Being a man” also means having to reject the qualities or aspects of one’s
self that are traditionally feminine.
Based on transpersonal theory and psychodynamic theory, Early and Smith (1998)
offer a framework for understanding youth violence. They suggest that postmodern culture
contributes to a type of spiritual poverty among youth that has led to an indifference and
desensitization toward violence and death. Specifically, they suggest that many of today’s
youth are experiencing spiritual poverty, as traditional oral and written myths are being
replaced by the postmodern myths of visual media that are delivered too directly.
Postmodern myths fail to support and develop the ego’s mythopoetic function that enables
us to use universal archetypes and symbols to redirect violence into vicarious expression of
impulses. The mythopoetic function encourages the development of the spiritual
dimension and the mythology of the dynamic ground that leads to the ability to transcend
beyond the individual self. Thus, youth that have lost this capacity also lack the ability to
attach to others and to feel the dread at the potential loss of this attachment. As a result
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they lack empathy or compassion, and because of this they are more likely to act with
violence than they are to problem solve with their mental abilities.
Tart (1986) provides yet another unique perspective about the cultural hazards that
begin in childhood and deteriorate our spirituality. Based on the teachings of G. I.
Gurdjieff, Tart explains that when we first come into this world we are of pure essence and
full of potential. Essence is described as our most genuine and true self. Slowly, however,
through a process of enculturation the child’s true self and its potentials are discouraged,
neglected, or punished, or encouraged, praised, and rewarded in a way that pleases the
family and the culture into which the child is born. In this way, as the child, we learn what
is normal and what is expected and incorporate or internalize it into our way of being
without thinking or reflecting it back to society. However, this is often at the expense of
denying and limiting our potential. Tart refers to this life long process as a cultural
consensus trance. This process is powerful because we are social beings who want to fit
in, to belong, to be “normal.” If we are lucky there will be a good match between our
essence and the family and culture into which we are born. If not, there is a danger that we
may end up with a vague gnawing feeling that something is not quite right. By all
accounts, we should be happy, but we are not.
The enculturation process creates a false personality, which may often be in
conflict with our true self. This can destroy our lives because maintaining a false
personality is lifeless and it consumes our essential energies. Life then becomes
mechanical. Through observation and awareness, it is important to return to our true
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essence. Substance use and rebellion are attempts to return to our true essence, but only
result in another way to build false identification.
Spiritual and Religious Abuse and Neglect of Children: Empirical Review
This section will review the two empirical studies that were located that in some
way address the issue of religious and spiritual abuse of children and youth (Nunn, 1973;
Robinson, 1983). A summary of the sample, methods, measurement tools, and findings for
each study is included in Table 4. The first study by Nunn (1973) is a quantitative study
that used purposive sampling of 357 Caucasian families. All families had two children
attending grades 6th through 12th who were living in the home with their two biological
parents and no other adults. The study examined the characteristics of families in which
parents utilized God as an indirect external punisher to control their children by telling
them that God punishes them if they are bad. Children who believed that God punishes for
deviant behavior were more likely to feel high self-blame or self-punitiveness for actions
of anger or noncompliance and were more likely to agree that a child should obey his or
her parents without question.
The study by Robinson (1983) is based on a purposive sample that responded to an
appeal to write in about an experience where the person “felt that their lives had in any
way been affected by some power beyond themselves” (p. 11). Over 4000 persons
responded and from this 362 persons were contacted who had such experiences in
childhood. At the time of submitting their response, participants ranged in age from thirty-
five to sixty and beyond, and seventy-eight percent were female. Although it is not
possible for this study to determine the prevalence of spiritually distressing experiences
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Table 4.
Overview of Spiritual and Religious Abuse and Neglect Studies
Author (s) Sample/Methods Measures Findings
Nunn (1973) 357 Caucasian families each with two children attending grades 6th-12th./ questionnaire / purposive sampling
Single items “Do you believe God punishes you when you get angry?”, and “A child should obey is parents without question.”
Children who believed that God punishes for deviant behavior were more likely to feel high selfpunitiveness and were more likely to agree that a child should obey parents without question
Robinson (1983)
362 participants / 78% female / response to an appeal to write in about an experience where they “felt their lives had in any way been affected by some power beyond themselves.” / purposive sampling
Offers various accounts of childhood spiritually distressing experiences such as fear of death, rebellion against religious teachings, and enculturation
among children and youth, the following excerpts offer some insight into the experiences
of fear of death, rebellion against religious teachings, and enculturation that have
previously been discussed.
The years from 8 to 11 I remember as pretty agonising. I was afraid of death, and
of life for that matter, and subject to severe panic attacks which nobody seemed to
notice. I couldn’t explain them at that age of course, but looking back I don’t really
think they were caused by any mental instability but simply by my having reached
a religious crisis at a ridiculously early age, and being quite unable to cope with it.
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Before the age of 6 I was in terror of eternity, that endless floating around and
around in space. Death became a nightmare. A child once quoted to me at that
time “world without end”. I was shaken to the core and had no-one to help me. (p.
117) [Fear of death] My first inner conviction, a pure feeling, belongs to my childhood. I had called my
brother a fool, and my mother said: “He who calls his brother a fool is in danger of
Hell Fire”. I was so enraged to think that God could be unjust that I did not say my
prayers to Him any longer, but to Jesus with a postscript: “N.B. God, if this is a lie
about you, then it is to you that I say my prayers and you will understand the
situation without further explanation.” I don’t know how old I was, perhaps nine or
ten. I soon felt absolutely convinced that this must be a lie about God, and that He
was just and loving, (p. 70) [Rebellion against religious teachings],
I was sent to Sunday School and later to Church (of England) each week, but found
it tedious. My only strong memory of that period was thinking what a weak person
Christ looked in the pictures; whereas I was sure he must have had a strong face.
The “miserable sinner” aspect of orthodox religion had a large influence on my
thinking between the ages of 5 and 9. I hated it, and felt more and more strongly
that it somehow blasphemed against the beauty, light and all-embracing fusion of
God, man and matter which I thought I saw all around me. To my shame at the age
of 9,1 leapt up in the church service, unable to bear the “for there is no health in
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us” intoning any longer, and shouted that God wasn’t like that at all: that he was
nearer than one’s own hand. And I was hustled out in floods of tears. I was
thoroughly shaken at having made a public scene and begged not to be sent to
Church again. My mother, while not comprehending my distress, allowed regular
Churchgoing to end at this point, (p. 101) [Rebellion against religious teachings] I must have been well under the age of three. I remember distinctly being aware of
thinking how silly grown-ups were not to understand, and I was also conscious of
playing up to them and trying to conform to the image they had of me or they
projected into me (clever girl, funny child, etc.) I felt myself distinct from them,
separated by their lack of insight that there was far more of me than what they saw
in me, the undeveloped child part. (p. Ill) [Enculturation] Spiritual and Religious Abuse and Neglect of Children: Summary of Findings
In summary, throughout the literature religious and spiritual abuse and neglect of
children and youth has been conceptualized in many different ways. Only two studies
were located that empirically investigated the concept. Although they are lacking in
numbers, the findings of these two studies suggest that perhaps there is some merit to this
concept.
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Spiritual and Religious Abuse and Neglect of Children: Critique of Scope and
Methodology
The concept of spiritual and religious abuse and neglect of children and youth is
dependent on how spirituality is defined and dependent on the conceived purpose of
religion. In review of the literature, those who have written on the subject would seem to
explicitly or implicitly suggest that spirituality is an integral part of the whole child and
thus as Crompton (1999) suggested, any abuse or neglect toward the child, in whatever
form, be it physical, sexual, psychological, environmental, or cultural, can abuse the
child’s spirit. Aside from religious persecution, religious abuse, particularly from religious
teachings may depend upon the conceived purpose of religion. If the use of religion is an
acceptable way to control children’s behavior, then some religious teachings may not be
defined as abusive at all. This is no doubt a controversial topic. Like the subject of
spirituality, many of the conceptualizations about religious and spiritual abuse and neglect
are difficult to define and operationalize.
In regards to methodology, neither of the two studies used probability-sampling
methods, yet they each had relatively large sample sizes. Sample characteristics were also
limited in that one study was comprised exclusively of Caucasians (Nunn, 1973) and in the
other study the vast majority of the sample were female (Robinson, 1983). These
limitations do not allow generalization of the findings of these studies to other populations.
Similar studies that are conducted in the future might be improved by including a more
varied sample. In addition, although these studies are beneficial and contribute to our
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knowledge in this area, prevalence studies are also needed in order to help determine the
scope of the problem.
Parameters of the Present Study
Gaps in the Literature and Focus of Present Study
As demonstrated in the present review of the literature, the spiritual and religious
aspects of children and youth are important components that contribute to the well-being of
the whole child. Social work practitioners are familiar with children and youths’ physical,
social, and emotional lives; however, little is known about the views and opinions of social
work practitioners regarding the role of religion and spirituality in social work practice
with children and youth. The recent phenomenon of addressing religion and spirituality in
social work practice has mainly been focused on the adult population, in general, and has
not addressed religiosity and spirituality of children and youth. The present study will
attempt to bridge this gap in knowledge by asking about the broad question “What are
practitioners’ views regarding the role of religion and spirituality in social work practice
with children and youth?” Based upon the present review of the literature, this study will
specifically inquire about the following topics: a) attitudes regarding the role of religion
and spirituality in social work practice, b) the use of spiritually based interventions, c) the
views of practitioners concerning the relevance of religion and spirituality in the lives of
children and youth, d) experiences with religious and spiritual abuse and neglect of
children and youth, e) the concerns and barriers of incorporating a spiritually-sensitive
practice with this population, f) personal religious or spiritual beliefs and practices of
social work practitioners, and g) assessment of previous professional education and
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training and the desire for more training. The specific research questions that this study
will investigate include:
Question 1. “What are the demographic and practice-related characteristics of the
social work practitioners in this sample?”
Question 2. “What are social work practitioners’ attitudes regarding the role of
religion and spirituality in social work practice?”
Question 3. “What type of religious and spiritually-based interventions have social
work practitioners performed in providing services to clients who are children and youth?”
Question 4. “What are the views of social work practitioners concerning the
relevance of religion and spirituality in the lives of children and youth?”
Question 5. “What experiences have social work practitioners had with religious
and spiritual abuse or neglect of children and youth?”
Question 6. “What are the concerns or barriers of social work practitioners, if any,
of incorporating a religious and spiritually-sensitive practice with children and youth?”
Question 7. “What are the personal religious or spiritual beliefs and practices of
social work practitioners?”
Question 8. “What has been the professional education and training experience of
social work practitioners regarding religiosity and spirituality and what is the desire for
additional training?”
Question 9. “What are significant predictors of practitioners’ use of religious and
spiritually-based interventions in practice with children and youth?”
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The answers to these questions will be useful to social work practitioners and
educators as they struggle with an issue that requires an informed and thoughtful dialogue.
It is asserted that spiritual and religious issues permeate all facets of human lives including
the lives of children and youth. The findings from this study will increase our
understanding and offer insight into the attitudes, current practices, and educational needs
of social work practitioners as they strive to create effective practices that are sensitive to
and inclusive of children and youth’s religious and spiritual experiences and capacities.
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Chapter III
METHODS
This chapter provides an overview of the methodology of the completed study.
Specifically, it specifies the study design, sampling approach, data collection method,
measurement instrument, and data analysis plan.
Study Design
The current study utilized a cross-sectional survey design to investigate the role of
religion and spirituality in social work practice with children and youth. At this point,
based upon an exhaustive review of the literature, no other studies can be found that
examine practitioners’ views and practices about this subject. Therefore, this level of
design, which provides exploratory and descriptive data, is appropriate for the current state
of knowledge in this area.
Sampling
Characteristics of Sampling
The sampling frame consisted of social work practitioners who were registered
active members of the American Board of Examiners in Clinical Social Work (ABE) and
who listed themselves as working either with children, or adolescents, or both. The ABE
is a national, nonprofit credentialing organization developed solely for clinical social
workers. In order to be an active member, social workers must meet the following criteria:
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a) hold a master’s degree in social work, with emphasis in clinical social work, from a
social work program accredited by the Council on Social Work Education, b) have five
years and 7500 hours of direct clinical practice, 3000 hours of which must be supervised,
c) hold the highest licensure or certificate in the state in which the clinician practices, and
d) have successfully completed a peer evaluation process. In order to maintain active
membership members must be actively practicing and must annually obtain a minimum of
20 hours of continuing education related to clinical practice. Members who meet the
criteria of the ABE are often referred to as Board Certified Diplomates in clinical social
work.
Sampling Procedure
According to the ABE, at the time of this survey, 5493 clinical social work
practitioners listed themselves as active members currently working either with children, or
adolescents, or both. However, after cast certification, the University Mail Services
determined that 144 addresses were not valid. This brought the total number of possible
participants to 5349. Based on this population size, in order to achieve a 95% confidence
level with a ± 5% sampling error, it was determined that it would be necessary to sample
and distribute approximately 750 surveys. Given a desired response rate of between 40%-
50%, a sample of 300-375 participants was predicted as the final sample for this study.
Two issues presented challenges for selecting the specific sampling procedure for
this study. The first issue is that of extreme variations within each state in the number of
diplomate social workers that work with children or youth. For example, in the state of
New York, there were 985 members, while there were 2 members in the state of Wyoming
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and 1 member in Oregon. Because of this disparity, disproportionate sampling was
indicated in order to include diplomates from states that have low membership. However,
determining reasonable disproportionate sampling percentages for 50 states, plus the
District of Columbia, in order to identify the 750 potential participants was unwieldy and
thus, some grouping of states into larger categories was indicated. Therefore, the second
issue pertained to how to group states into meaningful categories.
Previous researchers have grouped states into geographical regions, such as East,
Midwest, South, Mountain, and Pacific zones (Kosmin, 1991; Stark, 1996), suggesting that
these groupings reflected different regional religious patterns. However, based on recent
data from the American Religious Identification Survey (ARIS) conducted by Kosmin,
Mayar, and Keysar in 2001, aggregating states in this manner masks considerable religious
diversity among states within these larger geographical regions. ARIS findings reveal that
approximately 90% of America’s adults are clustered in twenty-two religious groups,
including “no religion.” Eliminating the percentages of adults reporting “no religion,”
North Dakota revealed the highest percentage of adults with some designated religious
identification (97%), while Washington reported the lowest percentage (75%). Utilizing
percentages of persons reporting some religion other than “no religion” (e.g. Catholic,
Baptist, Methodist, etc.), it is possible to group states into categories of high, moderate,
and low religious identification.
Using this framework, it was apparent that states from different regions of the
country fell within the same classification of religious identification, rather than showing
similarity based on geographical location. For example, North Dakota and Alabama were
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both high religious identification states (97% and 94%, respectively), although they would
never be grouped together geographically. Given the focus of the proposed study, it was
determined that grouping states by degrees of religious identification was more meaningful
than grouping states by geographical location. Therefore, the proposed study used the state
data reported by the ARIS 2001 study to create three sub-groupings based on reported
percentages of religious identification rather than physical proximity. It should be noted
that the ARIS study did not include Alaska and Hawaii. However, data drawn from the
American Religion Data Archive (Jones, D. E., et al, 2002) on rates of religious adherence
categorizes both states as “low” religious adherence; therefore, they were considered low
religious identification states for the purposes of this sampling procedure.
Specifically, ARIS (2001) findings show that respondents from various states
report percentages of religious identification ranging from 75% to 97%, with more than
one state reporting the same percentages. The sampling frame was stratified into three
stratas of high, moderate, and low religious identification based on these percentages (See
Table 5). Then disproportionate stratified random sampling was utilized to pull
approximately 250 potential participants from each of the three stratas. Specifically,
random selection of 52.4% of ABE members from high religious identification states
produced a sub-sample of 250 participants, 6.3% from moderate religious identification
states produced 250 participants, and 28.3% from low religious identification states
produced 250 participants. This sampling procedure allowed cases from smaller
subgroups a disproportionately better chance of being selected than cases from the larger
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Table 5. Percentage of Religious Identification by State
Percentage of Religious Identification States and Number of Diplomates
High Religious Identification
97% North Dakota, n = 17
94% Alabama, n = 24
93% South Carolina, n = 27
Mississippi,« = 15
92% South Dakota, n — 3
91% Louisiana,« = 142
Tennessee,« = 34
Nebraska, « = 11
90% North Carolina, n = 58
89% Texas,« = 146
Moderate Religious Identification
88%
87%
Pennsylvania, n = 522
Florida, n = 168
Connecticut, n= 146
Virginia, n = 161
Georgia, n = 47
New York, n = 985
Maryland, n = 207
DC, n = 41
Iowa, n = 35
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Table 5 (continued).
Percentage of Religious Identification States and Number of Diplomates
Kentucky, n = 42
West Virginia, n = 14
Arkansas, n = 9
86% Wisconsin, n = 70
Oklahoma, « = 31
Montana, n = 29
85% Illinois, « = 261
New Jersey, « = 260
Michigan, n = 189
Ohio, n = 120
Missouri,« = 47
Rhode Island, « = 20
Kansas, n = 23
84% Massachusetts, « = 355
Indiana, n = 37
Maine,« = 28
83% Arizona, n = 69
New Hampshire, n = 35
Delaware, n = 15
Montana,« =13
Utah, n= 10
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Table 5 (continued).
Percentage of Religious Identification States and Number of Diplomates
Low Religious Identification
82% New Mexico, n = 13
81% California, n = 638
Idaho, n = 13
80% Wyoming, n = 2
Nevada, n = 5
79% Colorado, n = 80
Oregon, n = 1
78% Vermont, n = 16
75% Washington, n = 78
Not available Alaska, Hawaiia
a ARIS (2001) data not available for Alaska and Hawaii. However, based on American Religion Data Archive (Jones, D. E., et al, 2002), they are designated as low adherence states and, therefore, are included in the Low Religious Identification category.
subgroups. Weighting was utilized during data analysis to correct for the disproportionate
inclusion of participants from the three stratas (Rubin & Babbie, 2001). This sampling
strategy addressed the potential influence of varying religious climates that exists within
different states, while insuring random selection of participants within each category.
Data Collection
A mailed questionnaire was used to gather data from the above participants. This method
of data collection had several advantages, including the ability to reach large numbers of
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participants in dispersed geographical locations in a relatively short period of time. Mail
surveys are also relatively inexpensive, they allow participants the privacy and
convenience of completing the survey where and when they want, they provide
confidentiality, and they help insulate against interviewer bias that can occur with face to
face contact (Gillham, 2000; Mangione, 1995).
Following several of Dillman’s (2000) recommendations three contact methods
were used in order to obtain a desirable return rate. First, all participants were sent a cover
letter (Appendix A), a survey (Appendix B), and a return-addressed stamped envelope.
One week later, all participants were sent a postcard (Appendix C) that had the dual
function to thank those participants who returned the survey and remind those participants
who had not yet returned the survey to do so. According to Dillman (2000), using the
postcard increases return rates and is cost effective in reducing the number of second
mailings that contain another survey. Three weeks after the initial mailing a third letter
(Appendix D), an additional survey, and a return addressed stamped envelope were sent to
participants who had not yet returned a survey. This third mailing was the last attempt to
increase the response rate.
In order to insure the protection of human subjects, participation in the study was
entirely voluntary and information provided by participants was confidential. Both the
first and second cover letters contained the necessary elements of informed consent that
apply to this type of study, such as a description and stated purpose of the study, risks and
benefits, confidentiality, voluntary participation, implied consent, and contact information.
Participants were also informed that a code was stamped on each survey for mailing
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purposes only, which was used to distinguish between those participants who returned a
completed survey and those who did not. Only the investigator knew the code and any list
that matched the codes to the participants was destroyed. The Institutional Review Board
of Virginia Commonwealth University reviewed and approved the research methodology
and protocol before surveys were mailed.
Measurement
Based on a review of the literature, a multifaceted 113-item questionnaire was
developed (see Appendix B). The survey included both composite scales and single-item
questions. The first scale, [“Role of Religion and Spirituality in Practice” (RRSP)],
assessed general attitudes regarding the role of religion and spirituality in social work
practice (Sheridan, 2000). This 18-item standardized scale has been used in three previous
studies with social work students (Sheridan & Amato-von Hemert, 1999), licensed clinical
social workers (Sheridan, 2004), and social work faculty (Sheridan, Wilmer & Atcheson,
1994). This scale utilizes a 5-point Likert scaling format (1 = strongly disagree to 5 =
strongly agree), yielding a possible range of scores from 18 to 90. Psychometric
evaluation of the scale reveals relatively high estimates of internal consistency, or
reliability, with alpha coefficients ranging from .83 to .88. Additionally, the scale shows
empirical evidence of both convergent and divergent construct validity (Sheridan, 2000).
Four additional scales were created to inquire about the following areas of concern.
The second scale was based on the “Spiritually-Derived Intervention Checklist” (SDIC)
used in earlier research, which demonstrated high reliability with an alpha coefficient of
.88 (Sheridan, 2004). Originally including 24 items, the SCID was expanded to include 28
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practice behaviors for the current study and edited to reflect interventions with children
and youth. Examples of such interventions include: “gather information on the child’s or
youth’s religious or spiritual background”; “use religious or spiritual language or
concepts”; and “help a child or youth consider the spiritual meaning of his/her current life
situation.” For each intervention listed, participants were asked to identify whether they
have personally used the intervention with clients who are children or youth. The response
format utilizes a 4-point Likert scale, (1 = never, 2 = rarely, 3 = sometimes, and 4 = often),
with possible scores ranging from 28 to 112. One additional item on the questionnaire
asks participants to identify other religious or spiritually-based interventions not included
in the SCID that they utilize.
A third scale was developed that assesses participant beliefs about the relevance of
religion and spirituality in the lives of children and youth [“Relevance of Religion and
Spirituality for Children and Youth” (RRSCY)]. This scale consists of 12 items and
utilizes a 5-point Likert scale answer format, (1 = strongly disagree to 5 = strongly agree).
Examples of items include: “childhood is a unique time of enhanced spiritual awareness”;
“religious beliefs provide guidelines for behavior that are beneficial to children and youth”;
and “children and youth do not have the cognitive abilities to reflect on spiritual matters.”
The possible range of scores on this scale is 12 to 60.
The fourth scale measures participant experiences with religious or spiritual abuse
or neglect of children [“Religious/Spiritual Abuse and Neglect of Children” (RSANC)].
The scale consisted of 10 items and utilizes a 4-point Likert scale (1 = never, 2 = rarely, 3
= sometimes, and 4 = often). Examples of items include: “In my practice, I see spiritual
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abuse and neglect occurring simultaneously with physical, emotional, and sexual abuse”;
“In my practice, I see the misuse of religious teachings”; and “In my practice, I see
negative effects of using threats of divine punishment to discipline children and youth.”
Possible range of scores on this scale is 10 to 40. An additional item asks participants to
identify other examples of religious or spiritual abuse or neglect that they have
encountered in their practice.
The fifth scale is a 12-item checklist of possible reasons that practitioners would
not address religious or spiritual aspects in their work with children and youth [“Reasons
for Not Addressing Religion or Spirituality in Practice” (RNARSP)]. Examples include:
“Spiritual concerns are outside the scope of social work practice with children and youth”;
“I am not a religious/spiritual person”; and “It conflicts with the NASW Code of Ethics.”
Participants were asked to check all that apply, yielding a possible score of 0 to 12. An
additional item asked participants to identify any additional reasons for not incorporating a
focus on religion or spirituality in their practice.
In addition to these five scales, a series of single-item questions also were included
in the questionnaire. Seven items explored various aspects of participants’ personal
religious or spiritual beliefs and practice, including: current religious affiliation or spiritual
orientation that accounted for multiple beliefs and primary beliefs; both current and
childhood frequency of participation in communal religious or spiritual services; frequency
of current participation in private or personal religious or spiritual practices; current
relationship to an organized religion or spiritual group; and views on practice as part of
one’s spiritual life or path.
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An additional six items inquired about education and training in religion or
spirituality, including: exposure to content on religion and spirituality in social work
training (both in general and focused on youth and children); satisfaction with amount of
attention paid to religious and spiritual issues of social work education and training;
attendance at workshops or conferences dealing with religion or spirituality (both in
general and focused on youth and children); and interest in attending such workshops or
conferences.
Twelve questions focused on characteristics of participants’ practice. Items
included: percentages of children or youth that presented religious or spiritual issues in
practice; percentage of children or youth that could be helped by addressing spiritual or
religious matters; length of social work practice experience; length of working with
children and youth; average number of children or youth seen per week; age of children or
youth served most often; specific type of work environment or setting; religious
characteristics of work setting as defined by Sider & Unruh’s (2004) typology; theoretical
orientation; whether permission is sought from parents to utilize spiritually-derived
interventions with children and youth; perspective of social worker’s role to help children
develop spiritually, and specific client situations for which attention to religious and
spiritual issues is particularly relevant in work with children and youth. Five demographic
questions were also included in the questionnaire, including items on age, gender, race,
marital status, and number of children.
This questionnaire was pretested by five social workers who have experience in
working with children and youth. These experts provided feedback on the content and
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structure of the questionnaire, as well as the process of completing it. Information from
pre-testing allowed the researcher to predict the average amount of time it would take to
complete the questionnaire and helped identify any modifications that were needed in the
questionnaire content or instructions. These modifications primarily included shortening
the questionnaire, minor word revisions, and the addition of one item in the religious and
spiritual abuse and neglect scale.
Data Analysis
Data analysis of study results involved a six-stage process utilizing a variety of
appropriate statistical techniques.
Univariate Analyses
First, frequency distributions were utilized to identify any data entry errors.
Second, once errors were corrected, in order to account for the disproportionate sampling,
the data in each of the subsamples of high, moderate, and low religiosity was weighted
accordingly. This involved determining the percentage of the sampling frame that each
group represented, dividing this by the percent that represented the number of surveys
returned in each subgroup, and multiplying each case by this figure (weighted cases were
used in all analysis). Third, the appropriate univariate measures of central tendency (mode,
median, mean) and measures of dispersion (range and standard deviation) were utilized to
describe the sample, both in terms of demographic variables and practice-related variables.
Fourth, univariate analyses were conducted to assess the viability of the five
composite scales (RRSP, SCID, RRSCY, RSANC, and RNARSP). Analyses determined
appropriate measures of central tendency and measures of dispersion of each scale. In
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addition, the internal consistency, or reliability, of each scale was assessed using
Cronbach’s alpha.
Fifth, univariate analyses was utilized to answer research questions #1 through #8,
utilizing appropriate measures of central tendency and measures of dispersion. These
findings provided descriptive information concerning demographic and practice-related
characteristics of the social work practitioners in this sample, practitioner attitudes in
general about the role of spirituality and religion in practice, the use of spiritually-derived
practice interventions with children and youth, relevance of religion and spirituality for
children and youth, experiences with religious and spiritual abuse or neglect of children
and youth, concerns or barriers in incorporating a focus on religion and spirituality in
practice, personal religious and spiritual beliefs and practices of social work practitioners,
and practitioner education and training relative to religion and spirituality,
Multivariate Analysis
The sixth stage of data analysis investigated research question #9, which pertained
to predictors of use of spiritually-derived interventions in practice with children and youth.
Specifically, linear multiple regression, using weighted cases, was conducted to identify
statistically significant variables predictive of variability in the dependent variable. The
dependent variable was measured via the “Use of Spiritually-Derived Interventions” scale,
a continuous variable ranging in possible values of 28 to 112. Independent variables
included total scores on the 4 scales (RRSP, RRSCY, RSANC, RNARSP) and responses to
the 7 personal beliefs and practice items, 6 education and training items, 12 practice-
related items, and 5 demographic items. This represents a total of 34 possible independent
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variables. Final determination of specific independent variables to include in the multiple
regression analysis was determined by: a) the amount of variation in each variable; and b)
the total number of cases in the final sample. As a general rule of thumb, multiple
regression requires at least 10 to 20 cases per each independent variable. This multivariate
analysis provided important information regarding which factors are most useful in
predicting the use of religious and spiritually based practice interventions.
Six open-ended questions were also included in the survey instrument. These
included the following: 1) other spiritually derived interventions that respondents may
have used that were not listed on the scale, 2) other types of religious and spiritual abuse
and neglect of children and youth that they had seen in their practice, 3) other barriers to
addressing religious and spiritual issues with children and youth, 4) the focus of the
workshops and conferences attended on the topic of religion and spirituality in social work
practice, 5) specific client situations to which attention to religious and spiritual issues are
particularly relevant in their work with children and youth, and 6) theoretical orientation
for practicing social work. These items were analyzed by using content analysis to identify
pattern and themes and indicate the frequency of responses in each category. The
categorization of respondents’ theoretical orientations were mainly based on the four
forces of psychology identified by Cowley (1993, 1996).
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Chapter IV
FINDINGS
This chapter reports findings from statistical analysis of the data. Four areas will
be presented and discussed including: a) descriptive information about the sample; b)
psychometric data on the five scales used in the study; c) results of univariate analysis for
research questions #1 through #8; and c) results of multivariate analysis for the 9th
research question that explored predictors of the use of spiritually-derived interventions.
Description of the Sample
Response Rate
As mentioned in the previous chapter, because of extreme variation of the number
of potential participants in each state, disproportionate sampling methods were used. This
was achieved by grouping the states within the sampling frame into three categories of
high, moderate, and low religious identification and randomly sampling 250 prospective
participants from each group. This procedure also addressed potential influence of varying
religious climates that exists within different states.
Seven hundred and fifty surveys were mailed. Seventy-nine participants were
determined to be inappropriate for participating in the study either because of an
insufficient address or because they indicated that they no longer worked with children and
youth, resulting in a total of 283 respondents. This represents an overall response rate
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of 42%. In regards to the high, moderate, and low religious identification stratas, the
response rate was 51%, 36% and 39% respectively. In order to account for
disproportionate sampling the remaining analysis included data that was weighted
accordingly.
Sample Characteristics
Table 6 outlines the characteristics on all demographic variables for the sample.
Overall, the sample primarily consisted of participants who were white, married, female,
and over 55 years old. Specifically, 95.6% (n = 263) of the sample was Caucasian/Euro-
American, while only 2.2% (n = 6) were African American, and 2.2% (n = 6) were of
another ethnic background. The vast majority of participants (82.9%, n = 230) reported to
be married or have a domestic partner, while only 17.1%, (n = 98) reported to be either
divorced/separated, single, or widowed. The average age of participants was 56.4 years
old, and the average number of children was 1.9.
Psychometric Data on Scales
Instrumentation: Reliability
Estimates of internal consistency were obtained for the five instruments in the
questionnaire using Cronbach’s alpha. Reliability coefficients for four out of five scales
(RRSP, SDIC, RRSCY, RSANC) ranged from .77 to .94 falling within the accepted
benchmark of reliability for research of .70 (Rubin & Babbie, 2001) (see Table 7).
Cronbach’s alpha for the Relevance of Religion and Spirituality for Children and Youth
(RRSCY) scale was originally .72, but was improved to .77 when item #7 “As children
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Table 6.
Sample Characteristics
Variable Test Statistic
Age M= 56.4
Gender
Female 66.1%, n= 185
Male 33.9%, « = 95
Race/Ethnicity
African American 2.2%, n = 6
Asian-American / Pacific Islander 1.3%, n = 4
Caucasian / Euro-American 95.6%, n = 263
Latino(a) / Hispanic-American .4%,« = 1
Native American / First Nations / Alaskan Native 0%, n = 0
Bi-racial / Multi-racial .5%, n = 1
Marital Status
Single 2.6%, n = 7
Married or Domestic Partner 82.9%,« = 230
Divorced / Separated 11.4%, « = 82
Widowed 3.1%, n = 9
Number of Children M= 1.9
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Table 7. Reliability Coefficients of Instrumentation: Cronbach’s alpha
Instrument Coefficient # of items Reliability
Role of Religion and Spirituality in Practice (RRSP) 18 •91
Spiritually-Derived Intervention Checklist (SDIC) 28 .94
Relevance of Religion and Spirituality for Children and Youth (RRSCY) 11 .77
Religious/Spiritual Abuse and
Neglect of Children (RSANC) 10 .83
Reasons for Not Addressing Religion
or Spiritually in Practice (RNARSP) 9 .68
grow, they lose their natural connection to spirituality” was removed because of low
correlation and direction.
The only scale that fell below the .70 standard for internal consistency was the
Reasons for Not Addressing Religion or Spirituality in Practice (RNARSP), which had an
alpha of .64. However, this was improved to .68 when item #3, “It has never occurred to
me,” item #4 “I am not a religious/spiritual person”, and item #12 “The child’s or youths’
caregiver would disapprove” were removed because of low correlation. The results of the
two scales that have previously established reliability (RRSP and SDIC) are consistent, if
not slightly higher, with previous studies (Sheridan & Amato-von Hemert, 1999; Sheridan,
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2004; Sheridan, Wilmer & Atcheson, 1994). Table 7 summarizes the reliability
information for all five scales.
Results for Research Questions #1 through #8
Research Question #1: Demographic and Practice-related Characteristics
Research question #1 asked, “What are the demographic and practice-related
characteristics of the social work practitioners in this sample?” The demographic
characteristics of the sample have already been discussed. In regards to practice-related
variables participants were asked to respond to 12 items that characterized their social
work practice. The first 9 items are summarized in Table 8. On average participants
reported to have 27.5 (SD = 7.2) years of social work practice experience, and an average
of 25.6 (SD = 8.0) years working with children and youth. The average number of children
seen each week was 9.0 (SD = 7.1). The majority (40.2%, n = 110) of participants reported
to see mostly adolescents. However, this was closely followed by 33.6% (n = 92) of
respondents who reported to see children and youth of all ages.
Participants reported that an average of 17.2 % (SD = 23.8) children or youth they
work with present with religious and/or spiritual issues, but more than twice as many
(36.3%, SD =35) could be helped by addressing the subject. When providing spiritually-
derived interventions, almost equal numbers of participants reported that they “always”
(34.7%, n = 58), “sometimes” (28.7%, n = 48) or “hardly ever” (36.6%, n = 61) obtain the
caregiver’s permission. When asked if social workers should help a child or youth develop
spiritually as well as emotionally and socially, a combined total of 44.5% either “agreed”
(40.2%, n= 111) or “strongly agreed” (4.3%, n = 12). A little over one-third (34.8%,
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Table 8.
Practice-related Characteristics
Variable Test Statistic
Years of social work practice experience M= 27.5 SD = 7.2
Years of working with children/youth M= 25.6 SD = 8.0
Number of children/youth seen weekly M= 9.0 SD = 7.1
Age of children/youth served most often
Early childhood (3-7 yrs old) .4 %, n = 1
Middle childhood (8-12 yrs old) 13.6 %, n = 37
Adolescence (13-18 yrs old) 40.2 %, n = 110
Early and middle childhood 1.5 %, « = 4
Middle childhood and Adolescence 10.6 %,rt = 29
All of the above 33.6%, « = 92
Percentage of children/youth that present with religious or spiritual issues in practice M= 17.2 SD = 23.8
Percentage of children/youth that could be helped by addressing spiritual or religious matters M= 36.3 SD = 35.0
Obtain caregiver permission to use spiritually-derived interventions
Always 34.7 %,n = 58
Sometimes 28.7 %, n = 48
Hardly ever 36.6 %, rz = 61
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Table 8 (continued).
Variable Test Statistic
Social workers should help a child or youth develop spiritually as well as emotionally and socially
Strongly disagree 9.0 %, n = 25
Disagree 11.7%,« = 32
Neutral 34.8 %, n = 96
Agree 40.2 %,n= 111
Strongly agree 4.3 %, n = \2
Religious characteristic of work setting
Secular 82.3 %, n = 230
Faith-secular partnership 11 %,» = 31
Faith background 3.2 %, n = 9
Faith affiliated 1.4%, n = 4
Faith centered 2.2 %,n = 6
Faith permeated 0%,n = 0
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n = 96) were “neutral”, while only 20.7% either “disagreed” (11.7%, n – 32) or “strongly
disagreed” (9.0%, n = 25) with the statement. When asked to choose a definition which
best described the overall religious characteristics of their work setting, the majority of
respondents (82.3%, n = 230) reported to work in a secular work environment.
Table 9 summarizes the remaining 3 practice-related items that were based on
multiple responses, or in other words, asked participants to “check all that apply.” Both
the percent of responses and the percent of cases are provided in Table 9. However, only
the percent of cases is presented here. Based on participant’s multiple responses, private
practice (73.8%, n = 207) and outpatient mental health (30.6%, n = 86), were the two most
frequently reported work settings, with private practice far exceeding the latter. The most
frequently reported theoretical orientation was psychodynamic based theories (41.8%, n =
110), followed by cognitive/behavioral theories (32.0%, n = 84), system theories (18.6%, n
= 49), and eclecticism (11.9%, n = 31). Humanistic and transpersonal type theories
represented a combined total of 14.3% {n = 38). When asked if there were any specific
client situations (e.g. death and dying, suicide, pregnancy, sexual identity) for which they
thought attention to religious or spiritual issues was particularly relevant, the most
frequently cited situations when working with children and youth were death and dying
(55.2%, n = 69), suicide and depression (46.8%, n = 58), sexuality related issues (33.9%, n
= 42), and pregnancy related issues (29.3%, n – 36).
The following paragraphs answer research questions #2 – #6 and present findings of
the measures of central tendency and dispersion for each instrument. Table 10 summarizes
this information.
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Table 9.
Practice-related Characteristics: Multiple-response Items
Variable % Responses % Cases n
Type of work environment or setting
Private practice
Outpatient mental health
School setting for children or youth
Child welfare / foster care
College or university
Psychiatric inpatient hospital
Substance abuse treatment center
Hospice, hospital, or medical setting
Residential group home
Juvenile justice system
After school program
Other
Theoretical orientation
Psychodynamic
Cognitive behavioral
Systems theory
Eclectic
51.1 % 73.8 % 207
21.2% 30.6 % 86
6.2 % 8.9 % 25
4.2 % 6.1 % 17
3.2 % 4.6 % 13
3.1 % 4.5 % 13
3.0 % 4.3 % 12
3.0% 4.3 % 12
1.1 % 1.6% 5
.9% 1.4% 4
.1 % .1 % 0
3.0 % 4.3 % 2
32.5 % 41.8 % 110
24.8 % 32.0 % 84
14.5 % 18.6 % 49
9.2 % 11.9 % 31
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Table 9 (continued).
Variable % Responses % Cases n
Humanistic
Transpersonal
Other
Client situations for which attention to religious and spiritual issues is relevant to working with children and youth.
Death / dying
Suicide / depression
Sexuality and related issues
Pregnancy and related issues
Loss / grief
Abuse / neglect
Substance abuse
Chronic Illness / disability
Trauma
Guilt and forgiveness issues
Self-identity issues
Divorce / separation
Violence
Existential issues
7.5 % 9.7 % 26
3.6 % 4.6 % 12
7.9 % 10.2 % 27
19.0 % 55.2% 69
16.1 % 46.8 % 58
11.7% 33.9 % 42
10.1 % 29.3 % 36
7.0 % 20.3 % 25
5.7% 16.5 % 20
5.3 % 15.3 % 19
5.0 % 14.6 % 18
3.8 % 11.1 % 14
3.2 % 9.3 % 12
2.4 % 6.9 % 9
2.0 % 5.7 % 7
1.8% 5.3 % 7
1.6% 4.6 % 6
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Table 9 (continued).
Variable % Responses % Cases n
Conflict with parent’s beliefs .3% 1.0% 1
All things are relevant .2 % .7 % 1
Other 4.7% 13.8% 17
Table 10.
Measures of Central Tendency and Dispersion of Instrumentation
Instrument # of items
Possible Actual Range Range Mean SD
Role of Religion and Spirituality in Practice (RRSP) 18 18-90 18-90 68.7 10.7
Spiritually-Derived Intervention Checklist (SDIC) 28 28- 112 30- 103 67.2 15.6
Relevance of Religion and Spirituality for Children and Youth (RRSCY) 11 11 – 55 24-54 39.5 5.3
Religious/Spiritual Abuse and Neglect of Children (RSANC) 10 10-40 12-40 26.4 5.4
Reasons for Not Addressing Religion or Spiritually in Practice (RNARSP) 9 0-9 0 -8 1.6 1.8
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Research Question #2: Attitudes Toward Religion and Spirituality in Social Work Practice.
Research question #2 asked, “What are social work practitioners’ attitudes
regarding the role of religion and spirituality in social work practice?” This question was
answered using the Role of Religion and Spirituality in Practice (RRSP) scale, an
instrument that has 18 items with a possible range of scores from 18 to 90. Higher scores
indicate a more favorable stance toward inclusion of religion and spirituality in social work
practice. Items included questions such as, “Knowledge of clients’ religious or spiritual
belief systems is important for effective social work practice,” and “Religious concerns are
outside the scope of social work practice.” Participants were asked to rank their level of
agreement using a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 = “Strongly Disagree” to 5 =
“Strongly Agree.” After negatively worded items were reverse scored, responses to single
items were summated. Respondents reported scores ranged from 18-90, with a mean
rating of 68.7 (SD = 10.7). The relatively high rating on this measure suggests that, as a
whole, the current sample showed a generally positive attitude toward the role of religion
and spirituality in social work practice. Previous studies report means ranging from 75.02
(SD = 15.54) to 75.72 (SD = 8.48) (Sheridan, 2004; Sheridan, Bullis, Adcock, Berlin &
Miller, 1992).
Research Question #3: Use of Spiritually-Based Interventions
Research question #3 asked, “What type of religious and spiritually-based
interventions have social work practitioners performed in providing services to clients who
are children and youth?” The Spiritually-Derived Intervention Checklist (SDIC)
measured the respondents’ use of various types of spiritually-derived interventions when
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providing services to this client population. Respondents were given a 4-point Likert scale
of 1 = never, 2 = rarely, 3 = sometimes, and 4 = often, to indicate how frequently they used
each type of intervention. Items included questions such as, “Assess a child’s or youth’s
religious or spiritual development,” “Help a child or youth consider the spiritual meaning
of his/her current life situation,” and “Encourage or recommend spiritual expression
through creativity in the arts (poetry, paining, music).” The possible range of scores for
this instrument is 28 to 112, with higher scores indicating a more frequent use of these
types of interventions. The results for this sample ranged from 30 to 103. The mean was
67.2 and the standard deviation was 15.6. Thus, as a whole, respondents showed a
moderate to high mean rating on this measure, indicating a frequent use of spiritually or
religiously based interventions with this population.
For a more detailed analysis, the instrument’s 4-point scale was collapsed to into
two categories of “never or rarely used” and “sometimes or often used” the intervention.
Based on these two categories, the three most frequently used interventions were: “Help a
child reflect on his/her beliefs about loss or other difficult life situations” (91.8 %, n =
259), “Recommend participation in volunteer or altruistic activities” (86.2%, n = 243); and
“Gather information on the child’s or youth’s religious or spiritual background” (83.5%, n
= 236). The two interventions that were used the least were: “Pray or meditate with a
child or youth” (13.7%, n = 39); and “Participate in a child’s or youth’s religious or
spiritual rituals as a practice intervention” (10.9%, n = 31). Table 11 provides a summary
of the frequency in which respondents reported the use of each intervention listed on the
instrument.
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Table 11.
Use of Religious or Spiritually-Derived Interventions
Variable Sometimes or Often Used in Practice
Help a child or youth reflect on his/her beliefs about loss or other difficult life situations 91.8 %, n = 259
Recommend participation in volunteer or altruistic activities 86.2 %,n = 243
Gather information on the child’s or youth’s religious or spiritual background 83.5 %, n = 236
Give attention to expressions of spiritual experiences, or mystical, or peak experiences, reported by children or youth 73.9%, n = 208
Help children or youth consider ways their or their family’s religious or spiritual beliefs, practices, or support systems are helpful 70.7 %, n — 197
Encourage caregivers to support spiritual development or religious participation of their child(ren) 67.9 %, n = 191
Assess aspects of the physical and social environment that nurture or inhibit spiritual well-being 67.5 %, n = 190
Encourage or recommend spiritual expression through creativity in the arts (poetry, painting, music) 64.7 %, n= 182
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Table 11 (continued).
Use of Religious or Spiritually-Derived Interventions
Variable Sometimes or Often Used in Practice
Assess a child’s or youth’s religious or spiritual development 63.6%, n = 178
Recommend participation in a religious or spiritual support system, program, or activity 60.8 %, n = 172
Help a child or youth reflect on his/her beliefs about what happens after death 60.3 %, n = 170
Help a child or youth clarify their religious or spiritual values 59.9 %, n = 169
Refer a child or youth to others for religious or spiritual counseling or direction (e.g., minister, rabbi, spiritual director) 56.1 %,n= 159
Teach or recommend meditation 56.1 %, n = 157
Use religious or spiritual language or concepts 54.4 %, n = 153
Discuss with a child or youth the role of religious or spiritual beliefs in relation to significant others 49.7 %,n= 140
Help a child or youth consider the spiritual meaning of his/her current life situation 48.5 %, n = 137
Pray privately for a child or youth 46.7 %, n = 132
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Table 11 (continued).
Use of Religious or Spiritually-Derived Interventions
Variable Sometimes or Often Used in Practice
Collaborate with outside religious or spiritual helpers or support systems on behalf of a child or youth 45.5 %,n— 128
Help a child or youth develop religious or spiritual rituals as a practice intervention (e.g., house blessings, visiting graves of relatives, celebrating Hff* trnn«itinn<;t life transitions) 44.3 %,n= 125
Help children or youth consider ways their or their family’s religious or spiritual beliefs, practices, or support systems are harmful. 40.5 %, n = 114
Recommend regular religious or spiritual self-reflective diary or journal keeping 38.9 %, n = 110
Assist a child or youth to reflect critically on religious or spiritual beliefs or practices 35.1 %, n = 99
Recommend religious or spiritual forgiveness, penance, or amends 31.3%, n = 88
Share your own religious or spiritual beliefs or views 27.7 %, n – 11
Use or recommend religious or spiritual books, or writings 26.6 %, n = 15
Pray or meditate with a child or youth 13.7 %, n = 39
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223
Table 11 (continued).
Use of Religious or Spiritually-Derived Interventions
Variable Sometimes or Often Used in Practice
Participate in a child’s or youth’s religious or spiritual rituals as a practice intervention 10.9%,« = 31
In addition, participants were given the opportunity to comment on other
spiritually-based interventions that they have used or consider appropriate, when working
with children and youth. A total of 48 participants responded. However, only those items
not already listed in the scale were included in the analysis leaving a total of 22 unique
responses for this question. The most frequently cited intervention was referring a youth to
a twelve-step program, such as Alcoholics Anonymous, Alanon, and Alateen, which was
mentioned 8 times. The remaining interventions were mentioned only once: dream
analysis, eye movement desensitization and reprocessing (EMDR) or hypnosis that
includes a spiritual or religious message; sand tray using a variety of religious figures;
story telling; the energy work of Reiki; use of curanders and or medicine men; Thoreau
and Native American spirituality connections; using the “miracle question” from brief
solution focused therapy; asking “what helps you get through rough times?”; help a child
or youth make meaning of events that they do not understand; help children and family be
aware of their options in their faith; and encouraging parental responsibility to “walk the
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walk.” In addition, one participant commented that “spirituality is much more a focus of
“being” rather than doing (intervention) for me – truth/love pursuit is the essence of
therapy – interventions follow” and another commented, “simply the act of being present
to listen and be concerned is a spiritual act or intervention.”
Research Question #4: Relevance of Religion and Spirituality for Children and Youth
Research question #4 asked, “What are the views of social work practitioners
concerning the relevance of religion and spirituality in the lives of children and youth.”
This question was answered using the Relevance of Religion and Spirituality for Children
and Youth (RRSCY) scale, an 11-item instrument designed for this study included
questions such as, “Childhood is a unique time of enhanced spiritual awareness”, and
“Religious beliefs provide guidelines for behaviors that are beneficial to children and
youth.” Respondents were asked to rank their level of agreement using a 5-point Likert
scale ranging from 1 = “Strongly Disagree” to 5 = “Strongly Agree.” This scale has
possible range of 11 to 55. Higher scores indicate a more favorable view toward the
relevance of religion and spirituality in the lives of children and youth. Findings for this
sample ranged from 24 to 54, with a mean of 39.5, and a standard deviation of 5.3. The
relatively high rating on this measure suggest that respondents from this sample have a
favorable belief or views about children and youths’ spiritual capacities and the role that
religiosity plays in their lives.
Research Question #5: Religious and Spiritual Abuse and Neglect of Children and Youth
Research question #5 posed the question, “What experiences have social work
practitioners had with religious and spiritual abuse or neglect of children and youth?” This
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question was answered by using the Religious and Spiritual Abuse and Neglect of Children
(RSANC) scale, designed for this study. Respondents were given a 4-point Likert scale of
1 = never, 2 = rarely, 3 = sometimes, and 4 = often, to indicate how frequently they had
seen each type of abuse or neglect. Items includes questions such as, “Negative threats of
Divine punishment to discipline children and youth,” “Children and youth’s spiritual well
being shaken by experiencing or witnessing violence,” and “Spiritual abuse and neglect
occurring simultaneously with physical, emotional, and sexual abuse.” As a whole, the
respondents of this sample had a relatively high mean rating on this measure, indicating a
somewhat frequent identification of, and experience with, this type of abuse and neglect.
The possible range of scores on this instrument was from 10 to 40. The scores of this
sample ranged from 12 to 40. The mean was 26.4 and the standard deviation was 5.4.
In addition, one item asked participants to identify other types of religious or
spiritual abuse and neglect that they had seen in their practice with children and youth.
Forty-one participants responded. However, only those not already listed in the scale were
included in analysis leaving a total of 26 unique responses for this question. Many of these
comments could be placed into one of two categories that represented either end of a
continuum. For example, four participants commented that they have seen religious and
spiritual abuse and neglect when religion or spirituality is not offered to children or youth
at all; when caregivers remain ignorant of this aspect of life; when the family has no
religious background or beliefs; or when a caregiver ridicules or criticizes a child’s
spiritual questioning or journeying. On the other hand, twelve participants commented that
they had seen spiritual or religious abuse and neglect of children and youth when
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226
caregivers were extremely excessive and rigid about the adherence of religious beliefs,
such as when there was forced religious observance; when religious views deprived the
child of basic needs of socialization and healthcare; when there was no questioning of
religious teachings; or when a child had to wear clothing or jewelry that reflected religious
beliefs.
In addition, three other participants commented that they have seen this type of
abuse and neglect occur when there is a divorce in the family and caregivers refuse to take
children to the church the spouse attends; when caregivers disagree on children’s
adherence to religious traditions; or when children are forced to switch faiths after divorce
or remarriage. Other participants mentioned that they had seen religious and spiritual
abuse and neglect when there was abortion; hypocritical behavior by religious leaders or
adults that created a double standard; when religious beliefs were used to justify prejudice;
when God was blamed for tragedy; when homosexual youth come out; when ritual is
substituted for spirituality; and when the devil is used to explain inappropriate behavior.
Each of the above examples was mentioned only once.
Research Question #6: Reasons for Not Addressing Religion or Spirituality in Practice
Research question #6 asked, “What are the concerns or barriers of social work
practitioners, if any, of incorporating a religious and spiritually-sensitive practice with
children and youth?” This question was answered using the Reasons for Not Addressing
Religion or Spirituality in Practice (RNARSP) scale. This instrument listed 9 reasons why
respondents may not address religion or spirituality in their practice with children or youth.
Items included reasons such as, “It has never occurred to me,” “It conflicts with social
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227
work’s mission,” and “The child’s or youth’s caregiver would disapprove.” Respondent
were asked to check “yes” or “no” for each reason that applied. Over all, respondents from
this sample indicated few barriers to religious and spiritually-sensitive practice with
children and youth. The possible range of scores for this instrument is 0 to 9 with higher
scores indicating a higher degree of reluctance or concern about religiously and spiritually-
sensitive practice with this population. The results for this sample ranged from 0 to 8. The
mean was 1.6 and the standard deviation was 1.8.
One item asked participants to identify other reasons why they may not address
religion or spirituality in their social work practice with children and youth. A total of 73
participants responded to this question. However, only those reasons not already listed in
the scale were included in analysis leaving a total of 59 unique responses. The vast
majority of responses (mentioned 36 times) indicated that addressing religious and spiritual
issues is only appropriate when the client initiates the topic and presents it as an issue to be
explored. Seven participants indicated that their decision to include religion or spirituality
simply depended upon the specific case at hand. Four respondents indicated that it is the
“parent’s job” to address such issues, while three participants expressed concern about the
imbalance of “power” when addressing religious or spiritual issues with clients particularly
when the clients are children or youth. Each of the following comments were mentioned
twice: a) that children and youth have basic needs that require more immediate attention
such as safety, poverty, and homelessness; b) that addressing religious and spiritual issues
are not appropriate because it is not a benefit covered by insurance plans; and c) that social
workers should not “teach” religious or spiritual values. Other respondents made the
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following statements: “[addressing religious or spiritual issues is] inappropriate because
spirituality/religiosity in children and youth are not “separate” issues from love and caring,
issues with friends and others, living conditions;” “[it] can be inappropriate if client/family
perceives my addressing these concerns as an intervention to change their spirituality;” and
“Such an approach can short circuit psychological growth by interfering with the client’s
individual personal spiritual development which is implicit in all therapy.”
Research Question #7: Participants ’ Personal Religious/Spiritual Beliefs and Practices
Research question #7 asked, “What are the personal religious or spiritual beliefs
and practices of social work practitioners?” To answer this question, respondents were
asked to respond to seven items related to some aspect of their personal religious or
spiritual beliefs or practices. The first item asked participants to identify their current
religious affiliation or spiritual orientation by checking all that applied, with 87% (n=245)
selecting more than one category (see Table 12). Based on multiple responses, nearly two
thirds of the participants reported to identify with some form of Christianity (63.7%, n =
178), mainly Protestant (34.7%, n = 97) and Catholic (22.3%, n = 63). The second most
frequently reported religious affiliation was Jewish (26.9%, n = 75), mainly Jewish Reform
(13.6%, n = 38). After these, the next most frequently reported religious affiliations were
Buddhist (18.5%, n = 52), Agnostic (12.1%, n = 34), Existentialism (12.0%, n = 34), and
“other” (10.6%, n = 30). When asked only to identify their primary affiliation or
orientation a similar pattern emerged (see Table 12). A little more than half reported to be
Christian (56.8%, n = 155), while 17% (n = 47) reported to be Jewish. This was followed
by 8.3% (n = 23) whose chose “other” as a means to identify their orientation. The next
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Table 12.
Participants ’ Personal Religious/Spiritual Beliefs and Practices: Multiple Responses
Variable % Responses % Cases n
Current religious affiliation or spiritual orientation.
Christian:
Catholic
Protestant
N on-denominational
Eastern Orthodox
Jewish
Reform
Non-affiliated
Conservative
Orthodox
Buddhist
Agnostic
Existentialist
Other
Traditional Native American / First Nations
Goddess/Feminist spirituality
25.1 % 63.7% 178
8.8 % 22.3 % 63
13.7% 34.7 % 97
2.6 % 6.5 % 18
.1 % .3% 1
10.6% 26.9 % 75
5.4 % 13.6 % 38
3.6 % 9.1 % 25
1.5% 3.7 % 10
.1 % .2% 1
7.3 % 18.5% 52
4.8 % 12.1 % 34
4.7 % 12.0 % 34
4.2 % 10.6 % 30
1.8% 4.7 % 13
1.5% 3.8 % 11
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Table 12 (continued).
Variable % Responses % Cases n
Shamanism .9% 2.4 % 7
Confucianism .9% 2.3 % 7
Spiritism .8% 2.1 % 6
Atheistic .7% 1.7% 5
Hindu .5 % 1.3% 4
Pagan .4% 1.1 % 3
Muslim .1 % .4% 1
Wiccan .1 % .2% 0
a due to weighting cases some variables report n = 0 while also reporting low percentages.
most frequently reported affiliations were Agnostic (4.8%, n = 13) and Buddhist (4.5%,
n = 12).
Participants were asked about both current and childhood frequency of participation
in communal or spiritual services (see Table 12). Thirty-nine percent reported to currently
attend services once a week (23.5%, n = 65) or 2-3 times a month (16.4%, n = 45). An
almost equal number (37.0%, n = 103) reported to attend 2-3 times a year or less.
Participants reported a higher frequency of attendance during their elementary school years
with the majority (63.8%) reporting to attend services once a week (46.3%, n = 128) or
several times a week (17.5%, n = 48) during this time in their life. When asked about the
frequency of current participation in private or personal religious or spiritual practices,
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nearly two-thirds (62.2%) reported to participate either daily (36.3%, n = 101) or several
times a week (25.9%, n = 72), and only 12.4% (n = 34) reported not to participate in
private or personal practices at all.
Participants were asked about their current relationship to an organized religion or
spiritual group. The majority (44.4%) reported either active participation with a high level
of involvement (20.2%, n = 55) or regular participation with some involvement (24.4%, n
= 67). This was followed by 35% (n = 98) who reported that they identified with a
religious or spiritual group, but have very limited or no involvement. Only one participant
reported to have disdain and a negative reaction toward religion or spiritual traditions. In
addition, close to three quarters (74.4%, n = 202) of participants in this study considered
social work practice to be a part of their spiritual life or path. This information is
summarized in Table 13.
Research Question #8: Education and Training
Research question #8 queries, “What has been the professional education and
training experience of social work practitioners regarding religiosity and spiritually and
what is the desire for additional training?” Table 14 summarizes the six items that were
used to answer this question. The majority (83.3%) indicated that they had either “never”
(39.8%, n = 110) or “rarely” (43.5%, n = 121) received any content on religious or spiritual
issues in their training as a social worker. Furthermore, only 37.5% (n = 81) reported any
content specifically related to children or youth in this area. In terms of satisfaction with
the amount of attention paid to religious and spiritual issues in their social work education,
the majority indicated a “neutral” stance (45.9%, n = 127). Almost equal numbers
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Table 13.
Participants ’ Personal Religious/Spiritual Beliefs and Practices
Variable Test Statistic
Primary religious affiliation or spiritual orientation.
Agnostic 4.8 %, n =13
Atheistic .6 %, n = 2
Buddhist 4.5 %, n = 12
Christian: 56.8 %, n = 155
Catholic 19.4%, n = 53
Protestant 20.4 %,n-55
Eastern Orthodox .2 %,n= 1
Non-denominational 3.6 %, n = 10
Confucianism 0 %, 17 = 0
Existentialist 2.1 %,n = 6
Goddess/Feminist spirituality .2 %, 17 = 1
Hindu 0 %, 17 = 0
Jewish 17%, « = 47
Reform 5.0 %, n = 14
Conservative 1.3 %, 17 = 4
Orthodox 0 %, i? = 0
Non-affiliated 3.1 %,n = 8
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Table 13 (continued).
Participants ’ Personal Religious/Spiritual Beliefs and Practices
Variable Test Statistic
Muslim 0 %, n = 0
Pagan 0%,n = 0
Shamanism 0 %, n = 0
Spiritism 1.0 %, n = 3
Traditional Native American / First Nations 1.0 %, n = 3
Wiccan 0 %, n = 0
Eclectic/multiple choices 3.6 %, n = 10
Other 8.3 %,n = 23
Frequency of current participation in communal religious or spiritual services.
Daily ,6%,n = 2
Several times a week 5.3 %, n = 15
Once a week 23.5 %, « = 65
2-3 times a month 16.4 %, « = 45
Once a month 6.6 %, n = 18
5-6 times a year 10.7 %, n = 30
2-3 times a year 13.7 %, « = 38
Once a year 7.8 %, « = 22
Not at all 15.5%, « = 43
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Table 13 (continued).
Participants ’ Personal Religious/Spiritual Beliefs and Practices
Variable Test Statistic
Frequency of participation in communal religious or spiritual services during elementary school years.
Daily 5.8%, 77 =16
Several times a week 17.5%, 77 = 48
Once a week 46.3 %, 77 = 128
2-3 times a month 7.4 %, 77 = 20
Once a month 4.2 %, 77 = 12
5-6 times a year 4.8%, 77= 13
2-3 times a year 4.8%, 77= 13
Once a year 1.1 %, 77 = 3
Not at all 8.1 %, 77 = 22
Frequency of current participation in private or personal religious or spiritual practices.
Daily 36.3 %, 77 = 101 Several times a week 25.9 %, 77 = 72 Once a week 5.0 %, 77 = 14 2-3 times a month 3.9 %, 77 = 11
Once a month 5.4 %, 77 = 15
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235
Table 13 (continued).
Participants ’ Personal Religious/Spiritual Beliefs and Practices
Variable Test Statistic
5-6 times a year 4.4%, n= 12
2-3 times a year 5.5 %,n= 15
Once a year 1.2 %, ft = 3
Not at all 12.4 %, ft = 34
Current relationship to an organized religion or spiritual group.
Active participation, high level of involvement 20.0 %, ft = 55
Regular participation, some involvement 24.4 %, ft = 67
Identification with religion or spiritual
group, very limited or no involvement 35.5 %, ft = 98
No identification, participation or
involvement with religious or spiritual group 19.9 %, n – 55
Disdain and negative reaction to religion
or spiritual tradition .2 %, ft = 1
Social work practice is considered to be a part of spiritual life or path.
Yes 74.4 %, ft = 202
No 25.6%, ft = 69
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236
indicated that they were either “very or somewhat dissatisfied” (26.7%, n = 74) or “very or
somewhat satisfied” (27.5%, n = 76).
Half of the participants (49.8%, n = 138) reported to have attended a workshop or
conference that pertained to some aspect of religion or spirituality within the last 5 years.
However, only 24.1% (n = 42) indicated that the training was relevant to children and
youth. The majority of participants indicated that they were either “very or somewhat
interested” (42.6%, n= 118) in attending training that dealt with religion and spirituality of
children and youth, while 30.6% (n = 85) were “neutral,” and 26.8% (n = 75) reported to
be “very or somewhat disinterested” in learning more about this subject.
Participants were asked what the major focus was of the workshops or conferences they
had attended. A total of 133 respondents answered this question. However, many
participants listed more than one topic area. The highest percentage of respondents
(29.6%, I? = 38) reported that they received general training in the area of
spirituality/religion and psychotherapy. This was followed by a focus on spiritual/religion
and death, dying, loss, grief, or bereavement (18.1%, n = 24), meditation (8.3%, n = 11),
substance abuse (5.3%, n = 7), issues related to children or youth (5.3%, n = 7), Jungian
theory (4.5%, n = 6), Buddhism or Eastern religious topics (4.5%, n = 6), family therapy
including, marital therapy, domestic violence and child abuse (3.8%, n = 5), and ethics
(3.8%, n = 5). Each of the following topics was mentioned four times: spiritual growth and
development, women’s spirituality, trauma or crisis, and chronic illness. Aging adults,
prayer, forgiveness, arts, creativity or art therapy, compassion and compassion fatigue,
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Table 14.
Participants ’ Education and Training
Variable Test Statistic
How often religious/spiritual issues presented in social work training
Never 39.8%, 12= 110
Rarely 43.5 %, n = 121
Sometimes 15.6%, « = 43
Often 1.1 %,n = 3
Education included religious/spiritual content on children and youth
Yes 37.5 %,n = 81
No 62.5 %,n= 136
Satisfaction with social work education regarding religious and spiritual issues.
Very dissatisfied 13.3 %, 12 = 37
Somewhat dissatisfied 13.4%, « = 37
Neutral 45.9%, 12= 127
Somewhat satisfied 13.1 %, 12 = 36
Very satisfied 14.4 %, 12 = 40
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Table 14 (continued).
Participants ’ Education and Training
Variable Test Statistic
Attended additional training in past 5 years that dealt with religion or spirituality.
Yes 49.8 %,n= 138
No 50.2 %,n= 139
Was training specific to religion/spirituality regarding children and youth.
Yes 24.1 %, n = 42
No 75.9 % ,n= 134
Interest in attending training pertaining to religion/spirituality of children and youth.
Very disinterested 18.3 %, n = 51
Somewhat disinterested 8.5 %, n = 24
Neutral 30.6 %, n = 85
Somewhat interested 25.1 %,n = 70
Very interested 17.5 %, n = 48
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mental illness, and conflict resolution and reconciliation were cited three times each. This
was followed by mind-body connection, spirituality and finding one’s true self, gestalt
therapy, inner healing, Native American spirituality, personal growth in spiritual practice
or retreats, theology classes and understanding the major religions, and violence and abuse,
which were cited twice each. The remaining topics were cited only once: personal
nurturance of the soul, religion in cultural context, life cycle events, spiritual assessment,
becoming more aware of our relationship with God, Black Madonna, Charkas, EMDR,
New Age, letting go, God within, finding guidance and foundations for living, Ghandi
workshop, identifying ways to live a spiritual life, stress management, yoga, labyrinth,
life’s changing lessons, grace as a daily experience, life after Jesus, trusting Jesus, the
Muslim experience, clergy and social work collaboration, faith-based interventions,
Mussar Study, personal awakening, energy medicine, reflective living, religious abuse, self
awareness, sexual abuse by clergy, sexuality and spirituality, social aspects of growing
churches, wholeness and connection with others, resiliency across the life span, radiance
technique, and transcending the personality.
Results of Multivariate Analysis
Research Question #9: Predictors of Use of Spiritually-Derived Interventions
Analysis of the final research question, “What are significant predictors of
practitioners’ use of religious and spiritually-based interventions in practice with children
and youth”, required the use of multivariate statistics. Specifically, multiple regression
was used to identify statistically significant variables that are predictive of the use of
spiritually-derived practice interventions, as measured by scores on the “Spiritually
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Derived Interventions Checklist” (SDIC). All variables within the data set were initially
considered for inclusion in the analysis if they met the following three criteria: a)
sufficient variability; b) sufficient response rate; and c) continuous level of measurement
or, if categorical, the capacity to be dummy-coded (recoded as 1 or 0). Given these
criteria, some variables were not included in the regression data analysis plan.
Specifically, an item asking participants if they obtain family permission prior to using
spiritually-derived interventions had an insufficient response rate to be included (n = 166).
Additionally, several categorical variables did not lend themselves to recoding into two
categories or “dummy-coding,” including: current religious or spiritual orientation (more
than one response allowed); theoretical orientation, and type of work environment. The
use of one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) determined that there were no significant
differences in the use of spiritually-based interventions among participants residing in
states of high, moderate, or low religious identification. Therefore, this variable was also
not included in the multiple regression analysis. All other quantitative variables were
included as potential predictor variables, resulting in 26 independent variables.
Multiple regression requires that independent variables are not highly correlated
with one another and generally assumes ten to twenty cases for each independent variable
analyzed (Schroeder, Sjoquist, & Stephan, 1986). The first step in insuring that these
assumptions were not violated was to compute a matrix of correlations between all
potential predictor variables. Two sets of variables were identified with unacceptably high
correlations (above .70): a) “length of time in social work practice” and “length of time
working with children and youth”; and b) “frequency of current participation in communal
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241
religious or spiritual services” and “current relationship to an organized religion or spiritual
group.” Examination of these two sets of variables reveals that they are conceptually close
to one another and thus, high correlations are not surprising. Bivariate correlations were
run with each variable and the dependent variable, and based on the strength of the
relationship, “length of time working with children and youth” and “frequency of current
participation in communal religious or spiritual services” were retained for analysis, while
the other two variables were not utilized. This resulted in reducing the number of potential
predictor variables to 24.
An initial multiple regression was computed with these 24 independent variables.
However, cases that were missing data for any of these variables were excluded from
analysis, lowering the total number to 193 cases. This violated the assumption of 10 to 20
cases per predictor variable. Thus, some criteria needed to be determined for reducing the
number of independent variables. To identify those variables with the greatest prediction
potential, a series of bivariate analyses were conducted. Table 15 provides the findings for
the 17 variables that emerged as statistically significant.
Ten variables showed positive relationships with the use of spiritually-derived
interventions. Specifically, higher scores on the SDIC were associated with higher scores
on the Role of Religion and Spirituality in Practice (RRSP) scale, higher scores on the
Relevance of Religion and Spirituality for Children and Youth (RRSCY) scale, higher
scores on the Religious/Spiritual Abuse and Neglect (RSANC) scale, higher percentages of
children or youth that present with religious and/or spiritual issues, and higher percentages
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Table 15.
Variables with Statistically Significant Relationships to Use of Spiritually-Derived Interventions: Bivariate Analysis.
Variable Test Statistic Significance
Role of Religion and Spirituality in Practice (RRSP) r = .69 p < .001
Relevance of Religion and Spirituality for Children and Youth (RRSCY) r = .59 p < .001
Religious/Spiritual Abuse and Neglect of Children (RSANC) r = .42 p< .001
Reasons for Not Addressing Religion or Spiritually in Practice (RNARSP) r = -.38 p < .001
Percentage of clients that are children or youth that present with religious and/or spiritual issues r = .38 /><.001
Percentage of clients that are children or youth that could be helped by addressing spiritual or religious matters r = .59 p < .001
Frequency of current participation in communal religious or spiritual services r = .21 p < .001
Frequency of current participation in private or personal religious or spiritual practices r = .47 _p<.001
Frequency that religious or spiritual content or issues were presented and discussed in social work training r = .19 p < .001
Satisfaction with social work education and training in terms of attention paid to religious and spiritual issues r = -.40 p < .001
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Table 15. (continued)
Variables with Statistically Significant Relationships to Use of Spiritually-Derived Interventions: Bivariate Analysis.
Variable Test Statistic Significance
Interest in attending workshops or conferences that pertain to religion and spirituality of children and youth r = .45 p < .001
Social workers should help a child or youth develop spiritually as well as emotionally and socially r = .65 p < .001
Average number of clients seen each week that are children or youth r = -.20 p < .001
Social work is considered to be part of spiritual life or path t = 5.50 p < .001
Yes No
M= 70.01 M= 58.46
Current religious affiliation or spiritual orientation? f = 2.48 p < .014
Faith No faith
M= 68.18 M= 57.95
Religious characteristics of the setting where you work with children and youth t =-3.84 p < .001
Secular Non-secular
M= 65.72 M= 74.94
Have attended workshops or conferences in the past 5 years that dealt with some aspect of religion or spirituality t = 6.94 p < .001
Yes No
M= 73.26 M= 61.13
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of children and youth that could be helped by addressing spiritual and religious matters,
higher levels of respondent’s current participation in communal religious or spiritual
services, higher levels of respondent’s current participation in private or personal religious
or spiritual practices, higher levels of religious or spiritual content or issues presented and
discussed in respondent’s social work training, higher levels of interest in attending
workshops or conferences that pertain to religion and spirituality of children and youth,
and higher level of agreement that social workers should help a child or youth develop
spiritually as well as emotionally and socially. In addition, conversely, three variables
showed a significant negative relationship with the use of spiritually-derived interventions.
Namely, higher scores on the SDIC were associated with lower scores on the Reasons for
Not Addressing Religion or Spirituality in Practice (RNARSP) scale, lower levels of
satisfaction with social work education and training in terms of attention paid to religious
and spiritual issues, and lower number of clients seen each week that are children or youth.
Comparisons between groups revealed significant differences with four variables.
Specifically, respondents who reported to have a primary religious or spiritual orientation
other than atheist or agnostic reported higher scores on the SDIC scale, as did respondents
who had attended workshops or conferences in the past 5 years that dealt with some aspect
of religion or spirituality and those. In addition, higher scores on the SDIC scale were
associated with respondents who considered social work to be a part of their spiritual life
or path, and respondents who reported to work in a nonsecular setting.
Conducting a series of bivariate analyses increases the risk that there will be
statistically significant relationships when, in fact, there are not; resulting in Type I errors
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245
(Rubin & Babbie, 2001). The possibility of committing these errors, were minimized by
the use of multivariate techniques during the final stage of analysis when all 17 statistically
significant bivariate variables where entered into a multiple regression equation. Given the
exploratory nature of the analysis, the stepwise option of variable entry was utilized. The
probability level was set at less than .05 to enter into the regression equation and greater
than or equal to .10 to remove. Table 16 provides the findings from this analysis.
Seven different models emerged from the analysis. The final model accounted for
• 2 almost 70% of the variance in the use of spiritually-derived interventions (R = .703,
Adjusted R2 = .692). The following seven variables comprised the final model: a)
attitudes regarding the role of religion and spirituality in social work practice as measured
by the scores on the RRSP scale; b) experiences with religious and spiritual abuse and
neglect of children and youth as measured by scores on the RSANC scale; c) attitudes that
social workers should help children develop spiritually as well as emotionally or socially,
as measured by a single item; d) the percentage of clients that are children or youth that
could be helped by addressing spiritual or religious matters; e) attitudes regarding the
relevance of religion and spirituality for children and youth as measured by the scores on
the RRSCY scale; f) average number of clients seen each week that are children or youth;
and g) frequency of current participation in private or personal religious or spiritual
practices. Data on the order of entry and the R2 change show that practitioner attitudes as
measured by the RRSP scale account for over 50% of the variance, with the other six
variables contributing lesser amounts ranging from 7% to slightly less than 1%.
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Table 16.
Regression Analysis on Predictors of Use of Spiritually-Derived Interventions.
y yF-value Significance R R Change
Model 1
Attitudes re: Role of Religion/ Spirituality in Practice (RRSP) 224.16 < .001 .528 .528
Model 2
Attitudes re: Role of Religion/ Spirituality in Practice (RRSP)
Experiences with Religious and Spiritual Abuse and Neglect of Children and Youth (RSANC) 147.66 p < .001 .597 .069
Model 3
Attitudes re: Role of Religion/ Spirituality in Practice (RRSP)
Experiences with Religious and Spiritual Abuse and Neglect of Children and Youth (RSANC)
Social workers should help children and youth develop spiritually as well as emotionally or socially 116.84 /><.001 .638 .042
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Table 16. (continued)
Regression Analysis on Predictors of Use of Spiritually-Derived Interventions.
2 2F-value Significance R R Change
Model 4
Attitudes re: Role of Religion/ Spirituality in Practice (RRSP)
Experiences with Religious and Spiritual Abuse and Neglect of Children and Youth (RSANC)
Social workers should help children and youth develop spiritually as well as emotionally or socially
Percentage of clients that are children or youth that could be helped by addressing spiritual or religious matters 102.43 jt? < .001 .675 .036
Model 5
Attitudes re: Role of Religion/ Spirituality in Practice (RRSP)
Experiences with Religious and Spiritual Abuse and Neglect of Children and Youth (RSANC)
Social workers should help children and youth develop spiritually as well as emotionally or socially
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Table 16 (continued).
Regression Analysis on Predictors of Use of Spiritually-Derived Interventions.
7 0F-value Significance R R Change
Percentage of clients that are children or youth that could be helped by addressing spiritual or religious matters
Relevance of Religion and Spirituality for Children and Youth (RRSCY) 86.07 = .001 .687 .012
Model 6
Attitudes re: Role of Religion/ Spirituality in Practice (RRSP)
Experiences with Religious and Spiritual Abuse and Neglect of Children and Youth (RSANC)
Social workers should help children and youth develop spiritually as well as emotionally or socially
Percentage of clients that are children or youth that could be helped by addressing spiritual or religious matters
Relevance of Religion and Spirituality for Children and Youth (RRSCY)
Average number of clients seen each week that are children or youth 74.30 < .001 .695 .009
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Table 16 (continued).
Regression Analysis on Predictors of Use of Spiritually-Derived Interventions.
A-value Significance R2 R2 Change
Model 7
Attitudes re: Role of Religion/ Spirituality in Practice (RRSP)
Experiences with Religious and Spiritual Abuse and Neglect of Children and Youth (RSANC)
Social workers should help children and youth develop spiritually as well as emotionally or socially
Percentage of clients that are children or youth that could be helped by addressing spiritual or religious matters
Relevance of Religion and Spirituality for Children and Youth (RRSCY)
Average number of clients seen each week that are children or youth
Frequency of current participation in private or personal religious or spiritual practices 65.72 pc.001 .703.008
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The strength and direction of the seven predictor variables can be determined by
examination of the standardized beta coefficients (see Table 17). Again, practitioner
attitudes regarding the role of religion and spirituality in social work practice (RRSP
scores) shows the strongest association (beta = .28). This was followed by practitioner
experiences with religious and spiritual abuse and neglect of children and youth (RSANC
scores) {beta = .22), practitioner attitudes that social workers should help children develop
spiritually as well as emotionally or socially {beta = .21), percentage of clients that are
children or youth that could be helped by addressing spiritual or religious matters {beta —
.20); practitioner attitudes regarding the relevance of religion and spirituality for children
and youth (RRSCY scores) {beta = .13); the average number of clients seen each week that
are children or youth {beta = -.10); and the frequency of current participation in private or
personal religious or spiritual practices {beta = .11). All but one of these associations are
positive, which indicates that respondents with: a) more positive attitudes toward the role
of religion and spirituality in practice, b) more experiences with religious and spiritual
abuse and neglect of children and youth, c) more positive attitudes that social workers
should help children develop spiritually as well as emotionally or socially, d) a higher
percentage of clients that are children or youth that could be helped by addressing spiritual
or religious matters, e) more positive attitudes regarding the relevance of religion and
spirituality for children and youth, and f) more frequent current participation in private or
personal religious or spiritual practices also reported a higher use of spiritually-derived
practice interventions when working with children and youth. In addition, respondents
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Table 17.
Significant Predictor Variables Regarding the Use of Spiritually-derived Interventions: Standardized Coefficients
Beta t-Value Significance
Attitudes re: Role of Religion/ Spirituality in Practice (RRSP) .28 4.46 p < .001
Experiences with Religious and Spiritual Abuse and Neglect of Children and Youth (RSANC) .22 4.98 p < .001
Social workers should help children and youth develop spiritually as well as emotionally or socially .21 4.20 p < .001
Percentage of clients that are children or youth that could be helped by addressing spiritual or religious matters .20 4.08 p < .001
Relevance of Religion and Spirituality for Children and Youth (RRSCY) .13 2.43 p = .016
Average number of clients seen each week that are children or youth -.10 -2.45 p = .015
Frequency of current participation in private or personal religious or spiritual practices .11 2.24 p = .026
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who reported seeing fewer number of clients each week that were children or youth also
reported a higher use of spiritually-derived interventions with this population.
Open-ended Comments
A total of 52 participants offered general comments and examples to an open-ended
question regarding the issue of addressing spirituality and religion in social work practice
with children and youth. These comments were unitized and divided into two categories:
1) comments about the inclusion of religion and spirituality in social work practice with
children and youth, and 2) examples regarding the use and misuse of religion and
spirituality in social work practice.
Comments About Practice
Thirty-nine units of information pertained to comments about practice. These
statements appeared to express a balanced concern regarding the inclusion of religion and
spirituality in social work practice in general. For example, it was not uncommon for
respondents to indicate that while spirituality and religion are a part of the whole person,
and an important part of the therapeutic process that needs to be respected, it is not their
place, as a clinician, to prostyletize or teach specific beliefs. Comments that demonstrate
this sentiment are given below.
“Religious/spiritual issues can be relevant to any client problems, however
through proper assessment it should be determined if and in [what] manner
religious/spiritual/intervention is appropriate. The social work axiom of‘accepting
the client where they are’ applies to religious/spiritual issues.”
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253
“Issues such as those mentioned are particularly relevant in situations where
children and youth bring up their own concerns and need help sorting out feelings
about themselves related to those things that may conflict with beliefs. I would not
think it relevant or even ethical to bring up issues of religion with a child/youth
who did not identify those issues in a general evaluation. I would hope that
considering spiritual issues with a client would not be used as a way to teach
specific beliefs.”
“Again this is client dependent – not my agenda, but will definitely assess and
participant in client’s exploration, needs, conflicts, etc.”
“I am glad you are working in this area. In my practice I tend to keep things pretty
secular, preferring to recommend that ministry be done by others in the client’s
own tradition. Nevertheless, with most clients I am interested, where necessary, in
making conscious a range of religion/spiritual beliefs and concerns. Most people
have these in some form and they are usually psychologically active. I am struck
with how ignorant many people are about spiritual and religious life, even if they
participate regularly.”
“I think the desire to know or understand one’s self in relation to all of life is
universal; perhaps felt more strongly by some than others. Thus, I think that it is
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254
central to psychotherapy or psychoanalysis with all clients of all ages. Some of my
work is with mother-infant dyads, some with adolescents and mainly with adults. I
listen carefully to hear what a client’s conscious and unconscious fantasies are
about life and death. It is to this that I make my interpretations. Thus, it is not so
much in addressing explicitly what a client believes or does not believe that I
attend. More so it is to the unconscious process that I seek to understand with the
belief that the unconscious landscape is what influences most powerfully how we
live our lives. On the other hand, I have had clients bring up spiritual or religious
issues and then I seek to respond as I would to any other topic. I have had some
clients react with surprise when I reflect that a religious or spiritual matter seems to
be of great importance saying, ‘I didn’t know I could talk about that here.’ This is
then an opportunity for me to reiterate that there is no off-limits topic in
psychotherapy or psychoanalysis. Situations that push for a client’s attention to
their deepest held spiritual beliefs are: death of a loved one, dying or the threat of
death from disease (most often, cancer), suicidal thoughts and feelings (in one’s
self or in a family member or close intimate), pregnancy and birth (when the threat
of death is always an unconscious fear), and the pressure that internal psychic
change brings about (which can feel like growth or like loss or both). I would like
to add that I am quite horrified by the cultural climate brought about in this country
by the religious right and its concrete notions of heaven and hell, Christianity as the
only true religion, etc. Yes, psychotherapists should feel free to discuss spiritual or
religious matters within the context of mental health treatment. However, at no
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255
time is it appropriate to “suggest” or “advise” clients on how they should think or
feel or believe.”
“I do not believe spirituality and religion are musts in SW nor are they necessarily
clinically significant. Use of self and use of spirituality are one in the same.
Spirituality/religion are not therapies, but can be useful adjuncts to therapy where
appropriate for the client. The better SW will study various religious/spirit cultures
the same as multiple therapies. A competent therapist draws from many tools,
selected to meet the needs of the client.”
Examples About the Use and Misuse of Religion and Spirituality in Social Work Practice
Eight respondents offered specific poignant examples regarding the use and misuse of
religion and spirituality in social work practice with children and youth. All eight
examples are listed below.
“Your work is greatly needed, particularly as it relates to the cult-like environment
in fundamental religions. My experience has been the fundamental religions start
with great promises they can’t fulfill (speaking for God) and the adolescents leave
all spiritual support systems in their disappointment, that typically takes 2-3 years
and it is devastating for the youth.”
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256
“It is easy for adolescents not to see the positive benefits of spirituality. Further, as
one progresses through puberty, developmentally, the way people think changes. In
man’s search for meaning, those who choose this path have not taken to heart the
idea that spirituality is a process parallel to life where truly, one understands one
[sic] does not.”
“13-year-old girl pregnant (for second time), .. .father a fundamentalist Christian
pastor who preaches abortion is a sin, and brings daughter to me to ‘convince’ her
to have her second abortion, and keep it a secret from the congregation. 16-year-old
girl who’s [sic] father (an atheist) died of cancer, and her exploration of what are
her beliefs about afterlife (or not), where Dad is now – does he exist or not, can he
hear her if she talks to him, does she believe in a higher power, prayer, or not for
herself. Thanks for exploring this – much needed!!”
“I think we need to stay out of our patient’s religious/spiritual lives. I have
colleagues who tell their patient’s where to go to church! I don’t believe in that.”
“I recently saw a young woman who was seriously traumatized by a ‘Christian
therapist’ who wanted to pray with her because she felt she was leading the ‘wrong
life’ related to sexual identity. This young woman was hospitalized following a
suicide attempt after meeting several times with this ‘Christian Therapist.’ She has
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257
been reported to the Behavioral Board of Science Examiners. Please be careful
about what you advocate for.”
“Any issue – but particularly crisis situation or trauma – helping to see a larger
picture to feel that there is meaning to the event; how can one create meaning and
purpose; how can one feel empowered spiritually – not feel alone – to connect to a
larger universal support.”
“… .1 find children and youth, who must deal with these latter experiences [sexual
abuse, incest], frequently experience long lasting trauma to their ability to believe –
in anything or anyone including a positive God (or some higher power). To be a
traumatized child in the Bible Belt South adds additional confusion and distress.
Recovery does not seem possible unless spiritual issues are asked – acknowledged
and ‘tended to’”
“With sexual identity the idea and support for ‘we’re all God’s children’ & client
be filled with prejudice and power welded from particular denomination’s view of
an issue. In general, I think social work should emphasize the idea that interpreting
what God thinks and what is part of a human perspective and that no human, even
religious persons, can interpret what God thinks very well, but we should support
the beliefs that help a client feel secure, safe and that perhaps answering ‘whys’ is
not as important as the journey. A course in religious prejudice and being sincere of
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258
our prejudices should be a part of social work education. Religious elitism should
be a topic explored. All forms of elitism – intellectual, social, political.”
The previous sections in Chapter IV described the response rate, sample
characteristics, psychometric data for the scales, and findings for questions #1 through #9.
Chapter V will discuss the implications of these findings in regards to social work practice
with children and youth.
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Chapter V
DISCUSSION
The purpose of this study was to address a gap in the literature by providing
descriptive and predictive data about social work practitioners’ attitudes and behaviors
related to religion and spirituality in social work practice with children and youth.
Specifically, the study inquired about the following seven topics: a) personal religious or
spiritual beliefs and practices of social work practitioners; b) practitioners’ attitudes
regarding the role of religion and spirituality in social work practice; c) practitioners’
attitudes concerning the relevance of religion and spirituality in the lives of children and
youth; d) experiences with religious and spiritual abuse and neglect of children and youth;
e) the use of religious and spiritually-based interventions with children and youth; f)
concerns and barriers relative to religious and spiritually-sensitive practice with this
population; and g) assessment of previous professional education and training and the
desire for more training on the topic. This chapter will provide an interpretation of the
findings from this study, present the study’s limitations, and discuss the implications for
social work practice and education.
Interpretation of the Findings
Findings from this study add to our knowledge about the religious and spiritual
beliefs and practices of clinical social workers. Although the majority of participants
reported their primary religious affiliation to be some form of Christianity (57%, n = 155)
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260
or Judaism (17%, n = 47), many participants were also associated with a wide range of
diverse beliefs. In fact, one-third of practitioners in this study reported to be affiliated with
two or more religious or spiritual traditions. Previous studies about social work
practitioners have yielded similar results (Canda & Furman, 1999; Sheridan, 2004). As
Canda (1999) suggests, this serves to remind us that spiritual and religious beliefs are
complex and not everyone is affiliated with just one tradition. In addition, it is also useful
to compare the religious and spiritual beliefs of social workers to the general population.
Data from the American Religious Identification Survey (Kosmin, Mayer, & Keysar,
2001) reports that, of the general population, 77% are Christian and a little over 1% are
Jewish, with all other denominations being less that 1%. This suggests that social workers
may tend to be more eclectic in their religious or spiritual beliefs than the general
population. Being knowledgeable of, and embracing multiple religious and spiritual
perspectives, may be a useful trait for social workers whose work calls for a respect and
reverence for diversity. However, as Hodge (2002) suggests the differences between social
workers’ liberal religious views, compared to the lower and working class conservative
beliefs of the general public, might also be considered problematic. He suggests that social
workers may have difficulty valuing, or viewing favorably, religiously conservative
clients, who in turn, sensing a lack of affirmation, may be less likely to place trust in the
therapeutic social work relationship.
Findings also reveal that 70% (n = 192) of the practitioners from this study
participated in communal religious or spiritual services at least weekly during childhood,
but this declined in adulthood, with only 29% (n = 82) of participants currently attending
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261
communal services at least weekly and the rest participating less often than this. A review
of participants’ current private religious or spiritual practices reveals that at least 67% (n =
187) reported to engage in these activities at least on a weekly basis and thus, there is a
notable difference between current private and communal practices. In addition, 74% (n =
202) of respondents considered social work to be a part of their spiritual life or path, which
perhaps speaks to the connection between spirituality, finding meaning and purpose in life,
and being of service.
This study also examined practitioners’ attitudes about the role of religion and
spirituality in social work practice. Overall, the findings reveal that study participants have
a generally favorable attitude about the role of religion and spirituality in social work
practice as evident by the samples’ average score of 68.7 on the “Role of Religion and
Spirituality in Practice” (RRSP) scale. This score is only slightly lower than previous
studies that examined practitioners’ attitudes using the same instrument. Sheridan (2004)
who sampled licensed clinical social workers from a Mid-Atlantic state, and Sheridan, et
al., (1992) who sampled licensed clinical social workers from Virginia, reported mean
ratings on the RRSP of 72.7 and 75.0 respectively. Findings from this study are also
reflective of previous studies that did not use the RRSP scale to measure professional
attitudes (Derezotes, 1995; Derezotes & Evans, 1995; Sheridan & Bullis, 1991). The only
study that reported a mixed finding about practitioners’ attitudes regarding religion and
spirituality in social work practice was an earlier study conducted by Joseph in 1988. The
discrepancy between the findings of this study and the latter studies perhaps gives credence
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that there is a shift occurring within the profession, with professional attitudes becoming
more favorable toward the inclusion of religion and spirituality in social work practice.
The above findings reflect practitioner attitudes about religion and spirituality in
social work practice when referring to clients in general. However, nearly half of
participants “strongly agreed” or “agreed” that social workers should help a child or youth
develop spiritually as well as emotionally and socially. This finding would seem to
suggest that the positive sentiment toward religion and spirituality in social work practice
might also pertain to serving children and youth.
Perhaps another indicator that practitioners from this study held a positive view
regarding the role of religion and spirituality in social work practice with children and
youth is that participants had favorable attitudes about children’s and youth’s spiritual
capacities and the importance that religion can have in their lives. This is evident by the
relatively high rating on the “Relevance of Religion and Spirituality for Children and
Youth” (RRSCY) scale (M= 39.5, SD = 5.3). This finding is in keeping with the literature
that suggests religious participation has a beneficial protective quality that helps promote
various aspects of childhood well-being and healthy coping (Jones & Francis, 1996;
Mosher & Handal, 1997), decreases substance use (Benda & Corwyn, 2000) and
delinquency (Johnson, Jana, Larson & Deli), and discourages premature sexual behavior
(Holder, et al., 2000). Regarding spirituality, the literature also suggests that spirituality is
an important aspect of children’s and youth’s development and overall life experience
(Cole, 1990; Hay & Nye, 1998; Bradford, 1995). In addition, upon close examination of
the individual items on the Spiritually-Derived Interventions Checklist (SDIC), responses
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show that 74% (n = 208) of participants “sometimes” or “often” give attention to
expressions of children’s or youth’s mystical or peak experiences. Hay and Nye (1998)
specifically documented the richness of children’s spiritual experiences. A high rating on
this particular item would seem to suggest that this is an aspect of children’s and youth’s
lives that is recognized by practitioners and is worthy of their attention.
Analysis of practitioners’ assessment behaviors reveals that a small percentage
(17%, SD = 23.8) of children and youth come to them with religious or spiritual issues, but
practitioners thought that nearly twice as many children (36%, SD = 35) could be helped if
these issues were addressed. Three of the top four client situations to which participants
thought attention to religion or spirituality was particularly relevant were related to issues
concerning the destruction, creation, or relevance of life (i. e. death/dying, pregnancy, and
suicide/depression). It should be noted that responses to this question might have been
influenced by how this question was asked. For example, in order to enhance clarity, the
question offered examples of possible client situations that might apply such as “death and
dying, suicide, pregnancy, and sexual identity.” Some of the participants (11%, n = 13)
who answered the question responded by simply stating “all of the above.” It is possible
that providing this type of prompt may have resulted in an increased likelihood that the
responses to this item would mirror the examples that were provided. However, previous
studies indicate that some of the most relevant topics for clients in general are issues about
death, tragedy, or finding meaning in life (Derezotes, 1995; Derezotes & Evans, 1995).
Although it is seldom, if ever, addressed in the social work profession, participants
in this study demonstrated knowledge of, and experience with, religious and spiritual abuse
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264
and neglect of children and youth. This is indicated by the relatively high mean rating on
the “Religious and Spiritual Abuse and Neglect of Children” (RSANC) scale (M= 26.4,
SD = 5.4). Upon closer examination, depending upon the item, between 65% – 88% of
practitioners from this study reported that they “sometimes” or “often” have seen seven of
the ten types of spiritual and religious abuse and neglect in their practice with children and
youth. This finding is congruent with a study conducted by Derezotes (1995) that found
that over two-thirds of participants reported that spiritual abuse of children was a problem
and Joseph’s (1988) study that indicated practitioners reported some parents expressed
concern about the effects of institutional religion on their children’s beliefs. These
findings might suggest two things. First, that religious or spiritual maltreatment is
recognized as a legitimate type of abuse or neglect that concerns children and youth; and/or
second, that it might be occurring often enough to be an issue that needs to be addressed.
As a whole, respondents frequently utilized a variety of religious and spiritually-
derived interventions with children and youth. Depending upon the item, between 56% –
98% of participants reported that they “sometimes” or “often” use half of the twenty-eight
interventions listed. Multiple regression analysis reveals that seven variables influenced
practitioners’ use of religious or spiritually-derived interventions when working with
children and youth with the strongest predictor being a positive attitude toward the role of
religion and spirituality in social work practice. This variable was also the strongest
predictor of the use of religious or spiritually-derived interventions in a study conducted by
Sheridan (2004) who examined the use of such interventions with clients in general. Two
other attitudinal variables also contributed to the overall model. These included a positive
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attitude about social workers’ role to help children and youth develop spiritually and a
positive attitude about the importance of religion and spirituality in children’s lives.
Together these three attitudinal variables accounted for 58% of the variance in the
dependent variable. That a person’s attitude affects her or his behavior is not surprising
since it is consistent with the abundance of research that substantiates this relationship.
In addition to the variables that measured practitioner attitudes, two variables that
measured practitioners’ assessment behaviors were also predictive of the use of religious
and spiritually-based interventions; namely, experiences with religious and spiritual abuse
and neglect, and the number of children who could be helped if these issues were
addressed. Although additional research would be needed it might be that these two
assessment variables are related. In other words, practitioners who report to having seen
spiritual or religious abuse or neglect of children and youth in their practice might also
report that children and youth could be helped if the issue was addressed.
Findings from this study also suggest that involvement in private religious and
spiritual practices such as meditation, prayer, visualizations, and reading spiritual or
religious materials may also influence professional behavior; in this case the use of
religious or spiritually-based interventions with children and youth. This finding is
consistent with Sheridan’s (2004) investigation that found that the use of such
interventions were significantly influenced by participants’ active involvement in
communal type religious or spiritual services. It would seem that whether social workers
engage in private or communal practices, personal religious or spiritual activities may be
influential on their professional behavior.
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It could be argued that the three “types” of predictive variables such as
practitioners’ professional attitudes, practitioners’ assessment behaviors, and their private
religious and spiritual practices are theoretically related in that they reflect an overall value
system in which the practitioner views his or her world. In other words, a practitioner who
values religion and spirituality in his or her own life may find it an important dimension to
address with clients, and relevant enough to look for, or notice, religious and spiritual
abuse or neglect among young clients. On the other hand, if a practitioner’s worldview
does not include a religious or spiritual lens then she or he may not find the issue important
enough to assess or address with clients.
Only one practice characteristic, the number of children and youth seen each week,
was found to influence practitioners’ use of religious and spiritually-based interventions.
The negative correlation of this relationship suggests that the greater number of children
and youth seen by practitioners each week, the less likely they are to use religious or
spiritually-derived interventions. There are at least three possible explanations for this.
First, it could be that practitioners who work with large numbers of children and youth
may work with this population in a milieu type program that focuses more on providing for
the basic needs of children and youth. This type of job description may prohibit the
practitioner’s ability to develop the intimate relationships with children and youth that are
needed when addressing religious or spiritual issues. Second, this finding could also
reflect the work setting of practitioners who have larger caseloads. Practitioners with
larger caseloads may be more likely to work in schools or other types of public institutions
that may discourage the inclusion of religion and spirituality in practice because of the
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267
concern regarding the separation of Church and State. A third explanation could be that
practitioners with more knowledge and experience working with children and youth find
that religious and spiritual issues are not relevant to this client population while those
practitioners who infrequently work with children and youth may inadvertently view this
population like the adults they serve. Further research is needed to be able to determine
which, if any, of these explanations might apply.
Overall, participants from this study reported few barriers to religious and
spiritually sensitive practice with children and youth. This was indicated by the relatively
low average score on the on the “Reasons for Not Addressing Religion or Spirituality in
Practice (RNARSP) scale (M= 1.6, SD = 1.8). Only one item specifically inquired about
the possible ethical dilemma of obtaining the caregiver’s permission when providing
religious or spiritually-based interventions for children and youth. The findings suggest
that practitioners from this study adhere to a variety of practice principals about this issue
with approximately equal numbers reporting that they “always”, “sometimes”, or “hardly
ever” obtain the caregiver’s permission. However, these results should be interpreted with
caution since about only 60% of the entire sample responded to this particular item.
Participants who gave general comments provided additional data regarding ethical
practice. Many of these participants expressed concern about the role of religion and
spirituality in social work practice and gave suggestions as guidelines for others to follow.
These suggestions included the following: a) practitioners should assess religion or
spirituality only if it is relevant or appropriate for a particular client; b) clients should be
the first to bring up the subject; c) practitioners should “accept the client where they are”;
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268
and d) practitioners should not teach or advise clients about specific beliefs or practices.
These same considerations are echoed by many of the previous studies that examined this
issue more thoroughly (Joseph, 1988; Canda, Nakashima & Furman, 2004; Canda,1988;
Derezotes & Evans, 1995; Canda & Furman, 1999).
Finally, findings reveal that the majority of participants from this study reported
that the content of their formal social work education rarely, if ever, included religious or
spiritual issues and the majority of participants expressed dissatisfaction with this. These
results are not unlike the outcomes of previous studies that inquired about the same topic
(Canda, Nakashima & Furman, 2004; Joseph, 1988; Sheridan, 2004; Derezotes & Evans,
1995; Sheridan, Bullis, Adcock, Berlin & Miller, 1992; Sheridan & Bullis, 1991; Sheridan,
2004). In addition, like other studies (Sheridan, 2004; Sheridan, Bullis, Adcock, Berlin &
Miller, 1995), results from this study suggest that it is not unusual for practitioners to
attend workshops or conferences within the last five years that addressed some aspect of
religion or spirituality in social work practice.
The results of this study also suggest that when participants’ formal education did
include religious or spiritual content it often did not include religious of spiritual content
relevant to children and youth, nor had the majority of participants’ postgraduate training
addressed this topic. However, 43% of practitioners from this study were “somewhat” or
“very interested” in attending additional training that pertained to religion and spirituality
of children and youth.
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Study Limitations
The limitations of the study include constraints inherent in the research design, the
sampling methods, and the measurement instruments. Each of these limitations will be
discussed in the following sections.
Design Limitations
This survey utilized a cross sectional survey design, which is appropriate for the
state of knowledge in this area and the need to gather exploratory and descriptive data. A
limitation of cross-sectional survey design is that it gathers data at only one point in time
and, because of this, causality between variables cannot be inferred. Therefore, in this
particular study it cannot be asserted that a participant’s attitudes “causes” an increase in
his or her use of spiritually-based intervention. However, the use of multiple regression
analysis does permit the identification of predictive variables significantly correlated to
practitioner behaviors.
Sampling Limitations
Sampling limitations are related to the study’s ability to generalize the findings to
the larger population of social workers. First, the sample was drawn from the membership
list of the American Board of Examiners in Clinical Social Work. These social workers,
referred to as Board Certified Diplomates, are required to have received training with an
emphasis in clinical social work, and to have met more rigorous standards of direct clinical
practice hours and supervision than is required of licensed clinical social workers. Social
Work Diplomates tend to be more “seasoned” social workers and in private practice. In
these ways they may not represent the entire population of social workers or even other
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licensed clinical social workers who do not have Diplomate status. Another limitation is
that the response rate was only 43%, and therefore, findings from this study cannot be
generalized to the entire sampling frame because those participants who did not respond to
the survey might be different that those who did. In addition, the controversial nature of
the topic suggests that it is likely that participants who chose to respond to the survey may
have strong views for, or against, the inclusion of religion and spirituality in social work
practice with children and youth. Therefore, respondents might not be representative of
practitioners who did not respond.
Last, when reviewing the findings, it is important to keep in mind that the average
age of respondents was 56 years old and the most frequently occurring age (mode) was 55
years old. This suggests that the majority of these participants would be of the baby boom
generation. This generation may have unique characteristics regarding their religious and
spiritual beliefs and practices, which may be another factor to consider when interpreting
these findings.
Measurement Limitations
Some of the limitations of survey research include a variety of biases in the way
participants’ respond. These response biases limit the survey researcher’s ability to gather
data that reflects respondents’ true attitudes and actual behavior. Three causes of response
biases should be considered when interpreting the findings of this study. First, respondents
may be reluctant to disclose their true feelings or behaviors and, thus, will provide answers
that they feel are more socially desirable. Second, respondents may not accurately recall
their behaviors and, therefore, will unintentionally provide inaccurate data. Third, all
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participants may not have consistently understood the conceptual distinctions between
religion and spirituality. Even though definitions of religion and spiritual were provided,
participants may have interpreted these definitions and the subsequent questions
differently.
In addition to the threat of response biases, the interpretation of the findings should
also be considered within the limitations of the validity of the instruments used to measure
participants’ attitudes and behavior. In particular, the “Religious and Spiritual Abuse and
Neglect of Children” scale and the “Relevance of Religion and Spirituality in Children and
Youth” scale were designed specifically for this study. Therefore, the validity and
reliability of these scales is just beginning to be established. However, it should be noted
that the alpha coefficient for both scales (.83 and .77 respectfully) fell within the
acceptable range of .70 (Rubin & Babbie, 2001), indicating adequate reliability.
In summary, the interpretations of the findings should take these limitations into
account. However, within these constraints, the results of this study can be used to
increase our current knowledge on the subject, promote further research, and inform social
work practice and education.
Implications of Findings
The findings from this investigation increase our knowledge about social work
practice with children and youth. In particular, this study informs us about the attitudes
and behaviors of social work practitioners regarding the role of religion and spirituality
when working with this population. The following paragraphs discuss the study’s
contributions to knowledge building and implications for social work practice and
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education. Like most investigations, this study also yields questions for further research,
which will also be identified.
In terms of the knowledge base, findings from the current study suggest that there
is an appropriate role for religion and spirituality in social work practice with children and
youth. Specifically, respondents affirmed that: a) religion and spirituality is relevant to
the lives of children and youth; b) social workers have a role to play in supporting the
spiritual development of children and youth; c) children and youth would benefit from
increased attention to religious and spiritual issues; and d) it is important to recognize
religious and spiritual abuse and neglect as potential practice issues. Furthermore,
respondents did not report insurmountable barriers to the provision of spiritually-sensitive
practice with this population. It is heartening, like findings relative to adult populations,
the religious and spiritual lives of children and youth are seen as important components of
the whole person, and when addressed appropriately, attention to this aspect of life is part
of effective and ethical social work practice. This position is consistent with the current
CSWE Educational Policy and Accreditation Standards (Council on Social Work
Education, 2004) and the American Psychological Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical
Manual (1994), both of which recognize religion and spirituality as important dimensions
of the human condition.
However, it is also concerning that much of what might be driving the inclusion of
religion and spirituality in assessment and practice with children and youth may be the
perceptions and attitudes of the practitioners’ rather than their education and training, or
even their desire for additional training in this area. If attitudes and active participation in
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private religious and spiritual practices are linked to professional behavior, than we need to
ask what influences attitudes either positively or negatively. Do positive attitudes come
from training, or own personal spiritual and religious experiences, or both? Perhaps more
importantly, the question to ask is, what is the link between positive attitudes, private
spiritual and religious practices, and spiritually sensitive practice with children and youth
that is based on ethical guidelines? What we learned from some of the participants’
comments is that while inclusion of religion and spirituality is an important aspect for
practice, ethical guidelines still might not be considered when addressing these issues with
clients. Much of what has been written in the literature about ethical guidelines thus far
has been regarding practice with an adult population. There may be guidelines that are
unique to children and youth that may also need to be considered. One example is
obtaining a caregiver’s permission regarding religious or spiritually-based interventions.
Findings from this study indicate that there is little consensus about what guidelines to use
when deciding to inform caregivers.
Another interesting dilemma that the findings from this study seem to highlight is
that ethical guidelines for religious and spiritually-sensitive practice are not clear, in all
circumstances. For example, most participant comments in this study and others (Canda &
Furman, 1999; Derezotes & Evans, 1995; Joseph, 1988; Sheridan & Bullis, 1991) suggest
that it is only appropriate to address religious and spiritual matters if the client first brings
up the subject. However, it seems that this can be a two-edge sword. While it is important
to follow the client’s lead, there are times when it might be appropriate and helpful for a
social worker to more actively inquire about the topic. Particularly, it would seem
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appropriate during an assessment, or during times when the client appears to be struggling
with existential issues. However, the investigation by Gilbert (2000) suggests that to be
religiously and spiritually-sensitive it is important that practitioners create a safe
environment so that clients can feel comfortable talking about meaningful religious and
spiritual issues and that self-disclosure may, at times, be appropriate to enhance feelings of
connectedness and community. The importance of a safe environment was reiterated by a
participant in this study when it was described how “..some clients react with surprise
when I reflect that a religious or spiritual matter seems to be of great importance saying, ‘I
didn’t know I could talk about that here.’ This is then an opportunity for me to reiterate
that there is no off-limits topic in psychotherapy or psychoanalysis.” Findings from this
study and Gilbert (2000) illustrate that there may be a balance for social workers to achieve
when struggling to decide under what circumstance, if any, to broach the subject. There is
a valid concern to not impose one’s own beliefs, and to embrace a respect for “starting
where the client is”, but at the same time there might be a concern that being too careful
and guarded may give clients the impression that religious or spiritual issues are not
appropriate to discuss or explore.
This study also begs the question that if we are to include content about the
religious and spiritual lives of children and youth in social work education, what should we
teach? So far previous writings have only indicated inclusion of religion and spirituality in
social work education and content as an aspect of human diversity (Canda, Nakashima &
Furman, 2004; Canda, Canda & Furman, 1999; Sheridan, 2003), as does the Curriculum
Policy Statement of the Council of Counsel on Social Work Education (2004). However,
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with 45% of practitioners from this study indicating that social workers have a role in
helping children and youth develop spiritually as well as emotionally or socially, it might
make sense that they could also benefit from content relevant to children and youth’s
spiritual capacities and development and the role that religion may play in their lives.
A review of the literature suggests that there are several developmental and
nondevelopmental theories from which to choose. Depending upon how the concept is
defined, some of these theories are contradictory about the spiritual capacities of children
and youth. For example, transpersonal theories consider spiritual development to be a
process of ego development and beyond (Fowler, 1995; Washburn, 1995; Wilber, 1995,
1996). An implication of this is that it leaves children and youth who naturally have
underdeveloped egos to also perhaps have underdeveloped spiritual lives. However, on the
other end of the continuum, some theorists argue that children and youth may have
enhanced spiritual capacities (Levine, 1999) that may decrease as they mature (Tamminen,
1991). Hay and Nye’s (1998) study is one example of an investigation that examined
children and youth’s spirituality from a nondevelopmental perspective. Findings from
their study indicated that children have a rich spiritual life and at their core possess what
Hay and Nye call “relational consciousness” (p. 112)
It is also important to discuss the implications inherent of embracing epigenetic
theories of human development. Epigenetic theories of development propose a basic
hierarchical process through which people develop. Movement from one stage to the next
is often precipitated by a crisis. The crisis is either resolved successfully and the person
moves to the next stage or they do not resolve the crisis and the person does not progress.
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The implication, whether intended or not, are that lower stages are considered less
desirable than higher stages. Therefore, rather than using these theories as a means to
explore a client’s spiritual development in order to better address their needs, there is a
susceptibility of these theories to promote hierarchical spiritual elitism. Although
proponents of epigenetic theories assert that this would be a misuse of these theories
(Fowler, 1995; Wilber, 1995), it is still an important enough issue to emphasize when
including content about religious and spiritual development in social work education.
Another concern to address is that theories are not without bias. Although Fowler
(1995) used male and female participants in almost equal proportions in his study, much of
his theory is guided by cognitive, moral, and psychosocial developmental theories that are
gender biased and while gender bias in theories of moral development has been brought to
light by Gilligan (1988), these same concerns have yet to be fully discussed in the area of
spiritual development. In addition, Wilber has been criticized for not incorporating more
of women’s experiences in that much of his theory is also based on male-centered norms
(Wright, 1998) and for regulating traditional indigenous spiritual ways of knowing as “pre-
rational” and therefore not as evolutionary advanced (Kremer, 1998). The concerns about
these gender and cultural biases should also be addressed when considering inclusion of
content on religion and spirituality in social work education.
This study and Derezotes’ (1995) investigation are the first to specifically inquire
about social workers’ views and experiences with religious and spiritual abuse and neglect
among children and youth. Participants in this study demonstrated knowledge of, and
experience with, religious and spiritual abuse and neglect of children and youth as
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277
indicated by the relatively high mean rating on the “Religious and Spiritual Abuse and
Neglect of Children (RSANC) scale. Likewise, close to two-thirds of participants from
Derezotes’ (1995) investigation reported that spiritual abuse of children was a problem.
One has to wonder if practitioners who report a higher frequency of encountering this type
of abuse and neglect among children and youth do so because their clientele experience it
more frequently? Or, do some practitioners report more religious and spiritual abuse and
neglect of children and youth because they have had more formal and informal education
on the subject that makes them more sensitive to this aspect of the human dimension?
Regardless of the reason, this finding may have potential implications for future
social work practice and policy. If, as some theorists maintain, the human civilization is
moving into a new era that includes a paradigm shift of consciousness to find more depth
of meaning and a greater sense of connection with what is spiritual (Fowler, 1996; King,
2001; Wilber, 1995) then it may eventually be argued that as a profession we should
concern ourselves with the abuse and neglect of this aspect of the human condition.
Specifically, in regards to this study, if social workers are to take seriously that the holistic
well-being of children includes the spiritual along with the physical, social, and emotional,
then our approach might also concern the religious and spiritual abuse of this vulnerable
population. There may be some indication that as a global society we are already moving
in this direction. On an international level, children’s spiritual and religious rights are
recognized and included in the United Nations Convention of the Rights of the Child that
was adopted in 1989, which so far, has been ratified by 192 countries (UNICEF, 2003).
Although perhaps a bit futuristic, it is possible that we will witness the evolution of the
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278
children’s rights movement to progress from the protection from physical abuse, to include
the protection from sexual and emotional abuse, to include the recognition and protection
from religious and spiritual abuse and neglect, as well. What professional guidelines will
accompany this, if any? Easy answers are not forthcoming, but the findings from this
study beg the question and at least opens the topic for further discussion and ongoing
dialogue.
Overall, implications for social work practice stemming from the current study
indicate the need to identify the specific knowledge, values, and skills required for
spiritually-sensitive practice with children and youth. Sheridan (2003) has delineated 8
overall practice principles for spiritually-sensitive and competent practice:
1. Be respectful of different religious or spiritual paths and be willing to learn
about the role and meaning of various beliefs, practice, and experiences for
various client systems (individuals, groups, communities).
2. Inform yourself about both the positive and negative role of religion and
spirituality in the fight for social justice by various groups and be sensitive to
this history in working with members of oppressed populations.
3. Critically examine your own values, beliefs, and biases concerning religion and
spirituality and be willing to work though any unresolved or negative feelings
or experiences in this area that may adversely affect your work with clients.
4. Develop a working knowledge of the beliefs and practice frequently
encountered in your work with clients, especially those of newly arriving
immigrants/ refugees or nondominant groups.
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5. Engage in ongoing self-reflection about what brings purpose, meaning, and
connection in your own life and make disciplined efforts toward your own
spiritual development, however you define this process.
6. Conduct comprehensive spiritual assessments with clients at all levels and use
this information in service planning and delivery.
7. Acquire the knowledge and skills necessary to employ spiritually based
intervention techniques appropriately and effectively.
8. Seek information about the various religious and spiritual organizations,
services, and leaders pertinent to your practice and develop good working
relationships with these resources for purposes of referral and collaboration.
(pp. 264-265).
To these general guidelines, findings from the current study suggest 5 additional
practice principles for working with children and youth:
1. Become familiar with various theoretical understandings of spiritual
development in children and youth and utilize these frameworks as part of a
holistic assessment with this population.
2. Recognize the unique spiritual experiences and capacities of children and youth
and do not minimize or denigrate these experiences or abilities.
3. Information gathering should include religion and spirituality as it relates to the
lives of significant others in a child or youth’s live, including close and
extended family members and other key persons, in order to gain a more
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280
comprehensive understanding the religious, spiritual, and social contexts that
influence youthful clients.
4. Gather information on possible religious or spiritual abuse/neglect in the lives
of children and youth to the same degree that you would assess the presence of
physical, sexual, or emotional abuse/neglect.
5. Obtain caregiver’s permission regarding religious or spiritually-based
interventions in the same manner that you would obtain such permission for
any other type of practice approach with a minor-aged child.
Finally, although the results of this investigation increase our knowledge about
social work practitioners’ attitudes and behaviors relative to the role of religion and
spirituality when working with youth and children, additional empirical investigation is
needed. Some fruitful areas for future research include: a) identification of factors
predictive of practitioner attitudes; b) specification of the role of personal vs. professional
factors related to practitioner behaviors; c) identification of the guidelines used by
practitioners to determine use of interventions; d) examination the views and behaviors of
social worker practitioners other than those in clinical or private practice; e) research on
both positive and negative religious and spiritual experiences of children and youth; and f)
exploration of children’s and youth’s experiences with social work practitioners in the area
of religion and spirituality. These and other topics for research are needed as we strive to
develop practice models that are not only generally spiritually-sensitive and competent, but
take into account the special needs of children and youth. It is believed that the current
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study informs social work practice and education and contributes to the ongoing
conversation in this area.
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References
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Appendices
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Appendix A
Date
Name of Participant Address City, State, Zip Code
Dear__________________ ,
I am writing to ask for your help in a study I am conducting about social work practice with children and youth. Specifically, I am interested in knowing about social work practitioners’ views and practices regarding religion and spirituality when working with this population. I am contacting a random sample of Board Certified Diplomate social work practitioners in every state to learn more about this subject. You are listed with the American Board of Clinical Examiners as being someone who works, at least to some extent, with children and youth. Approximately 350 social workers will be in this study. Your response is very important because you will be representing other social workers similar to yourself.
Little is known about the inclusion of religion and spirituality in social work practice with children and youth. The results of this study, which will be disseminated through conferences or academic journals, will inform social work practitioners and educators about current practices with children and youth.
The survey takes about 25 minutes to complete. Your answers are completely confidential and will be released only as summaries in which no individual’s answers can be identified. Surveys have been labeled with randomly generated code numbers so that I may know who has returned a survey. When you return your survey in the enclosed stamped envelope, the code linking your name to a particular survey will be removed and never connected to your answers in any way. This survey is entirely voluntary and you may choose not to answer particular questions. Returning a completed questionnaire means that you freely agree to participate.
I foresee no risk associated with your participation and you may not get any direct benefit from this study. However, your assistance will help others learn more about this subject.
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In appreciation for your time, I am offering participants a chance to win one of four $25.00 gift certificates from Barnes and Noble. The recipients will be randomly chosen and mailed their gift about six weeks after this mailing.
If you have any questions or comments about this study, I would be happy to talk with you. You can contact me at (804) 330-3681, email clkvarfo@vcu.edu, or write me at 5814-G Westower Drive, Richmond, VA 23225. Dr. Michael Sheridan, study director, can be reached at the School of Social Work, Virginia Commonwealth University, P.O. Box 842027, Richmond, VA, 23284, (804) 828-1030. If you have any questions about your rights as a study participant, you may contact: Office for Research Subjects Protection, Virginia Commonwealth University, Bio-tech 1, Suite 114, 800 East Leigh Street, Richmond, VA, 23298, (804) 828-0868.
Thank you for participating in this important study.
Sincerely,
Connie L. Kvarfordt LCSW, Ph.D. Candidate Virginia Commonwealth University / School of Social Work
P.S. If you no longer serve children or youth in your practice, please return the uncompleted survey along with a brief explanation. Thanks again.
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Appendix B
The Role of Religion and Spirituality in Social Work Practice with Children and Youth
This survey is being conducted to explore social work practitioners’ attitudes and behaviors regarding the role of religion and spirituality in practice. The survey first asks about the role of religion and spirituality in social work practice, in general, and then specifically asks about the role of religion and spirituality in social work practice with children and youth. This includes the use of spiritually-based interventions, beliefs about children’s and youth’s spiritual capacity and the role of religion in their lives, and views about religious and spiritual abuse and neglect of children and youth. If you wish to comment on any question, feel free to use the space in the margins. Your comments will be read and taken into account.
Thank you for your help.
Connie L. Kvarfordt, L.C.S.W., Ph.D. Candidate Michael J. Sheridan, Ph.D. (Dissertation Director) Virginia Commonwealth University Raleigh Building School of Social Work 1001 W. Franklin St. P.O. Box 842027 Richmond, VA 23284-2027 m Virginia Commonwealth University
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The following questions ask your views about the appropriate role of religion and spirituality in social work practice, in general. To aid you in responding to these questions, the following definitions are provided below. You will note that, for the purposes of this study, spirituality is more broadly defined than religion.
• Spirituality is defined as “the search for meaning, purpose, and connection with self, others, the universe, and ultimate reality, however one understands it. This may or may not be expressed through religious forms or institutions.”
• Religion is defined as “an organized structured set of beliefs and practices shared by a community related to spirituality.”
• When both spirituality and religion are referred to in one question, answer if either applies, or consider spirituality as inclusive of both religious and nonreligious perspectives.
Please rate your level of agreement or disagreement with each statement by circling the one number that best reflects your opinion on the 5-point scale.
Strongly Strongly Disagree Disagree Neutral Agree Agree
1. Spirituality is a fundamental aspect of being human………………………………..
2. Social workers should become more sophisticated than they are now in spiritual matters…………………………………. 3. It is important for social workers to have knowledge about different religious faiths and traditions…………….
4. Religious concerns are outside of the scope of social work practice…..
5. Spiritual concerns are outside of the scope of social work practice…..
6. Social work practice with a spiritual component has a better chance to empower clients than practice without such a component……………..
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Strongly Disagree
7. Knowledge of clients’ religious or spiritual belief systems is important for effective social work practice 1
8. Social workers should be able to assess the positive or beneficial role of religious or spiritual beliefs and practices of their clients’ lives…………… 1
9. Social workers should be able to assess the negative or harmful role of religious or spiritual beliefs and practices in their clients’ lives……………. 1
10. The use of religious language, metaphors and concepts in social work practice is inappropriate 1
11. The religious backgrounds of clients do not particularly influence the course or outcome of social work practice……………………………………………… 1
12. A social worker’s use of scripture or other religious texts in practice is appropriate……………………………………….. 1
13. It is against social work ethics to ever pray with a client………………………………. 1
14. The use of spiritual language, metaphors and concepts in social work practice is inappropriate 1
15. It is sometimes appropriate for a social worker to share his or her own religious or spiritual beliefs with a client………………………………………… 1
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Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Agree
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16. Addressing a client’s religious or spiritual beliefs is necessary for holistic social work practice 1 2 3 4 5
17. Social work education should include content on religious and spiritual diversity 1 2 3 4 5
18. Social work education should include content on how to effectively deal with religious or spiritual issues in practice…………………………………………… 1 2 3 4 5
The following lists various interventions that could be performed in providing services to Please indicate the frequency of never”, “rarely,” “sometimes,” or
Rarely Sometimes Often
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clients who are children or youth (5 to 18 yrs old), which you have used each intervention by circling “ “often.”
1. Gather information on the child’s or youth’s religious or spiritual background…………………………………………………… Never
2. Assess a child’s or youth’s religious or spiritual development……………………….. Never
3. Use or recommend religious or spiritual books, or writings………………………………… Never
4. Pray privately for a child or youth Never
5. Pray or meditate with a child or youth.. Never
6. Teach or recommend meditation Never
7. Use religious or spiritual language or concepts……………………………………………….. Never
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8. Help a child or youth clarify their religious or spiritual values……………………. Never Rarely Sometimes Often
9. Recommend participation in a religious or spiritual support system, program, or activity…………………………………………………… Never Rarely Sometimes Often
10. Recommend participation in volunteer or altruistic activities…………………………….
11. Refer a child or youth to others for religious or spiritual counseling or direction (e.g., minister, rabbi, spiritual director)…………………………………………………
12. Recommend regular religious or spiritual self-reflective diary or journal keeping…………………………………………………
13. Recommend religious or spiritual forgiveness, penance, or amends………
14. Discuss wifh a child or youth the role of religious or spirifual beliefs in relation to significant others………………………………….
15. Assist a child or youth to reflect critically on religious or spiritual beliefs or practices…………………………………………..
16. Help a child or youth consider the spiritual meaning of his/her current life situafion………………………………………………..
17. Help a child or youth reflect on his/her beliefs about what happens after death……………………………………………………..
18. Help a child or youth reflect on his/her beliefs about loss or other difficult life situations………………………………………………..
Never Rarely Sometimes Often
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19. Help a child or youth develop religious or spiritual rituals as a practice intervention (e.g., house blessings, visiting graves of relatives, celebrating life transitions)……………………………………….
20. Participate in a child’s or youth’s religious or spiritual rituals as a practice intervention…………………………………………..
21. Help children or youth consider ways their or their family’s religious or spiritual beliefs, practices, or support systems are helpful……………………………….
22. Help children or youth consider ways their or their family’s religious or spiritual beliefs, practices, or support systems are harmful…………………………………………….
23. Share your own religious or spiritual beliefs or views………………………………………
24. Collaborate with outside religious or spiritual helpers or support systems on behalf of a child or youth…………………….
25. Encourage or recommend spiritual expression through creativity in the arts (poetry, painting, music)……………….
26. Give attention to expressions of spiritual experiences, or mystical, or peak experiences, reported by children or youth…………………………………..
27. Encourage caregivers to support spiritual development or religious participation of their child (ren)……………
Never Rarely Sometimes Often
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28. Assess aspects of the physical and social environment that nurture or inhibit spiritual well-being………………………. Never Rarely Sometimes Often
29. Are there other religious or spiritually-based interventions that you have personally done or that you consider to be appropriate social work interventions for children or youth? No □ Yes □ “► (If yes) What are these interventions?
30. When you provide any of these interventions how often do you obtain family permission? (please check one response). □Always □Sometimes □Hardly Ever QDo not use any of the above interventions when working with children or youth.
31. Social workers should help a child or youth develop spiritually as well as emotionally and socially, (please check one response). □Strongly Disagree ^Disagree □Neutral QAgree QStrongly Agree
Listed below are several beliefs about children and youths’ spiritual capacity and the role of religiosity in their lives. Please rate your level of agreement or disagreement with each statement by circling the one number that best reflects your opinion on the 5-point scale. Strongly Strongly Disagree Disagree Neutral Agree Agree 1. Childhood is a unique time of enhanced spiritual awareness 1 2 3 4 5
2. All children and youth have at least implicit spirituality……………………………… 1 2 3 4 5
3. Children and youth do not have the cognitive abilities to reflect on spiritual matters…………………………………. 1 2 3 4 5 – 6
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Strongly Strongly Disagree Disagree Neutral Agree Agree
Children and youth search for meaning and purpose in life 1 2 3 4 5
5. Religious participation helps shield children and youth against such things as depression, premature sexual activity, delinquency, and substance use……………………………………. 1 2 3 4 5
6. It is not unusual for children and youth to have profound spiritual experiences that remain influential throughout their lives……………………………………………………… 1 2 3 4 5
7. As children grow, they lose their natural connection to spirituality 1 2 3 4 5
8. Some children and youth are exceptionally spiritually mature or 1 2 3 4 5 gifted………………………………………………….
9. Some children and youth experience spiritual distress or anxiety that may go unnoticed by 1 2 3 4 5 caregivers………………………………………….
10. Religious beliefs provide guidelines for behaviors that are beneficial to children and youth…………………………..
1 2 3 4 5
11. As children grow, experience of life increases their spiritual maturity……..
1 2 3 4 5
12. Children who are abused or neglected may especially benefit from spiritual or religious beliefs or practices 1 2 3 4 5 -7
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The following lists several ways that religious or spiritual abuse and neglect of children and youth might occur. Please indicate how often have you seen each type of neglect or abuse in your practice by circling “never,” “rarely,” “sometimes, ” or “often.”
1. Spiritual abuse and neglect occurring simultaneously with physical, emotional, and sexual abuse……………………………………………….. Never Rarely Sometimes Often
2. The misuse of religious teachings (i.e. teachings that frighten or scare children, or put unrealistic demands on them)……………………………………………… Never Rarely Sometimes Often
3. Religious persecution or oppression of children and youth (i.e. teased, ridiculed, or bullied by others, or family has experienced religious persecution or oppression)……………….. Never Rarely Sometimes Often
4. Abuse by clergy or some other religious figure Never Rarely Sometimes Often
5. Ritual Satanic abuse Never Rarely Sometimes Often
6. Living conditions (e.g., institutional care, foster care, poverty) that negatively impact children’s or youth’s religious or spiritual growth Never Rarely Sometimes Often and development………………………………
7. Negative effects of using threats of divine punishment to discipline children and youth Never Rarely Sometimes Often
8. Children’s and youth’s spiritual wellbeing shaken by experiencing or witnessing violence Never Rarely Sometimes Often
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9. Aspects of modern culture (e.g., materialism, technology, messages from media) that are detrimental to children’s and youth’s spiritual and religious development…. Never Rarely Sometimes Often
10. The use of religion to justify harsh physical punishment or other types of severe discipline…………………………… Never Rarely Sometimes Often
11. Other examples of religious or spiritual abuse or neglect?________________________________________________ .
The following two questions specifically concern various aspects of your current
practice with children or youth. Please answer by filling in the blank.
1. What percentage of your clients that are children or youth present with religious and/or spiritual issues in your work with them?………………………………………………………………………………………….
2. What percentage of your clients that are children or youth do you think could be helped by addressing spiritual or religious matters?……………………………………………………………………………………….. %
Please check “yes” or “no” for each of the possible reasons why you may not address religion or spirituality in your social work practice with children and youth. Yes No Spiritual or religious concerns are outside the scope of social work practice with children and youth. Yes___No It is not an important issue for children or youth. Yes___No It has never occurred to me. Yes___No I am not a religious/spiritual person. Yes___No I lack the knowledge and/or experience. Yes___No I am concerned about presenting my own biases. Yes___No It conflicts with the principal of separation of church and state. Yes___No It conflicts with social work’s mission. Yes___No It conflicts with the NASW code of ethics. Yes___No It conflicts with my own religious and spiritual beliefs. Yes___No It is against agency policy or is not supported by agency or supervisor. Yes___No The child’s or youth’s caregiver would disapprove. Yes No I think it is inappropriate because:__________________________________ .
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The final section includes questions on demographic and various personal and professional background variables. Please circle the appropriate number, check the appropriate response, or fill in the blank.
1. What is your present age?
_______ (years)
2. What is your gender? (please check onel □ Male □ Female
3. What is your race/ethnic group? (please check one) □ African-American □ Asian-American / Pacific Islander □ Caucasian / Euro-American □ Latino(a) / Hispanic-American □ Nafive American / Firsf Nations / Alaskan Native □ Bi-racial / Multi-racial □ Other (specify:________________)
4. What is your marital status? (please check one) □ Single □ Married or domestic partner □ Divorced / Separated □ Widowed
5. How many children do you have?
________child(ren)
6. What is your current religious affiliation or spiritual orientation? (Please check as many as are relevant to you. □ Agnostic □ Atheist □ Buddhist □ Christian: □ Catholic □ Protestant □ Eastern Orthodox □ Non-denominational □ Confucianism □ Existentialist □ Goddess/Feminist spirituality □ Hindu □ Jewish: □ Reform □ Conservative □ Orthodox □ Non-affiliated □ Muslim □ Pagan □ Shamanism □ Spiritism □ Traditional Native American / First Nations spirituality □ Wiccan □ Other (specify: ____ )
7. From the above list, please indicate your primary affiliation /orientation.
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8. How frequently do you currently participate in communal religious or spiritual services (e.g., attending church, temple, worship group or other situations of communal activity)? (please check one) □ daily □ several times a week □ once a week □ 2-3 times a month □ once a month □ 5-6 times a year □ 2-3 times a year □ once a year □ not at all
9. During your elementary school years, how often did you participate in communal religious or spiritual services (e.g., attending church, temple, worship group or other situations of communal activity)? (please check one) □ daily □ several times a week □ once a week □ 2-3 times a month □ once a month □ 5-6 times a year □ 2-3 times a year □ once a year □ not at all
10. How frequently do you currently participate in private or personal religious or spiritual practices (e.g., meditation, prayer, visualization, reading scriptural texts, etc.) (please check one) □ daily □ several times a week □ once a week □ 2-3 times a month □ once a month □ 5-6 times a year □ 2-3 times a year □ once a year □ not at all – 11
11. Indicate your current relationship to an organized religion or spiritual group, (please check one) □ active participation, high level of involvement □ regular participation, some involvement □ identification with religion or spiritual group, very limited or no involvement □ no identification, participation or involvement with religious or spiritual group □ disdain and negative reaction to religion or spiritual tradition
12. Do you consider social work practice to be a part of your spiritual life or path ? (please check one) □ No □ Yes
13. What do you consider your theoretical orientation for practicing social work?
14. In your training as a social worker, how often were religious or spiritual content or issues presented and discussed? (please check one) □ Never □ Rarely □ Sometimes □ Often a) (If addressed) Did it include content about children and youth? □ No □ Yes
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15. How satisfied were you with your social work education and training in terms of attention paid to religious and spiritual issues? (please check one! □ Very Dissatisfied □ Somewhat Dissatisfied □ Neutral □ Somewhat Satisfied □ Very Satisfied
16. Have you attended any workshops or conferences in the past 5 years that dealt with some aspect of religion or spirituality? No □ Yes □ (If yes) What was the major focus of these events?
18. How long have you been in social work practice? ________(years)________(months)
19. As a social worker, how long have you worked with children and youth? ________(years)_________(months)
20. As a social worker, what age group of children or youth do you work with most often? (please check the appropriate response) □ Early childhood (3 to 7 yrs old) □ Middle childhood (8 to 12 yrs old) □ Adolescence (13 to 18 yrs old) □ All of the above
21. What is the average number of clients that are children or youth do you see each week?
a) (If you attended) Were any of these workshops or conferences specific to children and youth? □ No □ Yes
17. How interested are you in attending work shops or conferences that pertain to religion and spirituality of children and youth? (please check one) □ Very Disinterested □ Somewhat Disinterested □ Neutral □ Somewhat Interested □ Very Interested
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22. In what type of work environment or setting do you practice social work with children and youth? (please check all that apply) □ Child Welfare/Foster Care □ Out Patient Mental Health □ Psychiatric Inpatient Hospital □ Residential Group Home □ Substance Abuse Treatment Center □ Hospice, Hospital, or Medical Setting □ Juvenile Justice System □ School Setting for Children or Youth □ After School Program □ College or University □ Private Practice □ Other____________________________ .
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23. The following definitions describe the ways that religion may be present in social service organizations. Please choose one definition that best identifies the overall religious characteristics of the setting where you work with children and yoyth. These definitions are not meant to be viewed as if on a continuum of more or less religious. □ Secular: Not founded by a religious group. Cultivates little support from religious community. Consideration of faith commitment of any staff is considered improper. No reference to religious or spiritual content in program. No expectation of religious experience or change for program participants. □ Faith-Secular Partnership: Little or no reference to the identity of the organization’s faith partners. May often use volunteers or in kind support from religious organizations, which is seen to add value to the program. Staff expected to respect but not share faith of religious partners. Program content sometimes supplemented with optional faith based materials from partner. No expectation of religious experience or change for program participants. □ Faith Background: May have been founded by a religious group, but these historical ties are no longer strong. May or may not cultivate support from religious community. In the past, the Board may been chosen for explicitly religious beliefs, but there is little or no current consideration of faith commitment of staff, but this may be a motivating factor for individual staff members. No religious content in program, but it is available to participants if sought out. □ Faith Affiliated: Founded by a religious group or for a religious purpose. May cultivate in-kind or volunteer support from religious community. Some, but not all. Board members and senior staff may be required to have a particular faith. Program staff expected to have knowledge of, and be sensitive to, faith commitment of organization. The religious component is not explicit, but is primarily expressed in acts of compassion and care. Some may see these acts as having a spiritual impact that contributes to a desired outcome for participants. Staff might informally invite participates to optional religious activities outside of the organization. □ Faith Centered: Founded by a religious group or for a religious purpose. Funds that undermine religious mission/identity are often refused. Board and senior staff share faith commitment, but this may be less important in other staff positions. Explicitly religious content typically integrated with social service provision, but may be segregated into separate components of the program. Participation in program’s religious activities is optional. Religious experience or change is hoped for participants, as it is felt that this contributes to a desired outcome. □ Faith Permeated: Founded by a religious group or for a religious purpose. Funds that undermine religious mission/identity are not accepted. Religious beliefs and acfivities are a prerequisite of all sfaff and expected of program participants. Religious content is explicitly integrated and m andated throughout the program. Religious experience or change among program participants is essential for a desired outcome. -13
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24. Are there any specific client situations (e.g., special client characteristics, specific client problems such as death and dying, suicide, pregnancy, sexual identity) for which you think attention to religious or spiritual issues is particularly relevant in your social work practice with children and youth? If so, please describe below:
Thank you for your time and effort in completing this questionnaire! It is greatly appreciated! Please use the return envelope and mail to Connie Kvarfordt, Virginia Commonwealth University, School of Social Work, Raleigh Building, P.O. Box 843020, Richmond, VA 23284-3020
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Appendix C
Date (mo, day, yr) Last week you were sent a questionnaire that asked about your social work views and practices regarding religion and spirituality when working with children and youth. If you have returned the completed questionnaire, thank you very much. It is only by hearing from people like you that we can increase our knowledge about this subject. If you have not, please do so today. If you did not receive a questionnaire, or if it was misplaced, please call me at (804) 330-3681, or email me at clkvarfo@vcu.edu. I will get another one in the mail to you today. Connie Kvarfordt LCSW, Ph.D. Candidate Virginia Commonwealth University School of Social Work Richmond, VA 23284 m Virginia Commonwealth University
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Appendix D
Date
Participant Name Address City, State, Zip Code
Dear_________________ ,
About three weeks ago, I sent you a questionnaire that asked about your views and practices regarding religion and spirituality when working as a social worker with children and youth. My records show that I have not received your survey.
The responses so far have been very valuable to understanding current social work practices with children and youth. I am contacting you again because although you are just one person, the more participants I hear from the more accurate the final results of the study will be.
A few participants have let me know that they are no longer working with children and youth. If this is applies to you, please let me know by writing a note on the questionnaire and I will remove you from the mailing list.
Protecting your confidentiality is important to me and to the University. Surveys have been labeled with a randomly generated code number so that I may know who has returned a completed survey. When you return your survey, the code linking your name to a particular survey will be removed so that your name cannot be connected to your answers in anyway. In addition, the results of the study are released in summary in which no individual’s answers can be identified.
I foresee no risk associated with your participation. If for some reason, you prefer not to respond, please let me know by returning the blank questionnaire in the enclosed stamped envelope and I will remove you from the list.
This survey is entirely voluntary. Returning a completed questionnaire means that you freely agree to participate. I recognize that your time is very valuable and you may not get
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any direct benefit from this study, but the information we learn from you and others will help inform and improve social work education and practices with children and youth. In appreciation for your time, I am offering participants a chance to win one of four $25.00 gift certificates from Barnes and Noble. You may return your survey at your convenience; however, the recipients to receive this gift will be randomly chosen about three weeks after this mailing.
With gratitude,
Connie L. Kvarfordt, LCSW, Ph.D. Candidate Virginia Commonwealth University / School of Social Work
P. S. If you have any questions about this study, please contact me at (804) 330-3681 or email me at clkvarfo@vcu.edu. Dr. Michael Sheridan, study director, can be reached at (804) 828-1030. If you have questions about your rights as a research participant, you may contact the Office for Research Subjects Protection at (804) 828-0868.
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Vita
Connie L. Kvarfordt was born on October 13, 1961, in Pocatello, Idaho and is an American citizen. She received her Bachelor of Science Degree with a major in psychology in 1985 and her Masters of Education in 1991 from University of Utah. She received her Masters in Social Work in 1993 from University of Milwaukee-Wisconsin. She has six years of social work experience and four years of postgraduate clinical practice with children and youth. She is currently a researcher and evaluator at the Partnership for People with Disabilities with the School of Education and an adjunct instructor with the School of Social Work at Virginia Commonwealth University teaching in the areas of direct social work practice.
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